Category Archives: J. Heshima Denham

On Self-Defense against Racist Murder

A discussion on the culture of hate and violence in US society and the rationality of securing New Afrikan communities

by the NCTT: Zaharibu Dorrough, Heshima Denham, Jabari Scott and Kambui Robinson

Published in: SF Bayview, April 26, 2016

Part 1

It is well known that the Black race is the most oppressed and most exploited of the human family. It is well known that the spread of capitalism and the discovery of the New World had as an immediate result the rebirth of slavery, which was for centuries … a bitter disgrace on mankind. What everyone does not perhaps know is that after … years of so called “emancipation,” American Negroes still endure atrocious moral and material suffering, of which the most cruel and horrible is the custom of lynching … Imagine a furious horde, fists clenched, eyes bloodshot, mouths foaming, yells, insults, curses … They are armed with sticks, torches, revolvers, ropes, knives, scissors, vitriol, daggers – in a word, with all that can be used to kill or wound … In a wave of hatred and bestiality, the lynchers drag the Black to … a public place … When everyone has had enough, the corpse is brought down … While on the ground stinking of fat and smoke, a black head, mutilated, roasted, deformed, grins horribly and seems to ask the setting sun, ‘Is this civilization?’” – Chairman Ho Chi Minh, 1924

Instead of trying to avoid conflict or whining about the injustice of it all, consider an option developed over the centuries by … strategists to deal with violent and acquisitive neighbors; reverse intimidation. The art of deterrence rests on three basic facts about war and human nature: First, people are more likely to attack you if they see you are weak and vulnerable; second, they depend on the signs you give out, through your behavior both past and present; third, they are after easy victories, quick and bloodless. That is why they prey on the vulnerable and weak.” – Robert Greene

The need to not mistake enemies for friends is especially great for us. Part of the reason for us being issue oriented is that we don’t yet see the need to assume responsibility in the development of the strategies affecting our lives. Those who are misgoverned and oppressed merely respond to the oppressive issues and conditions as they arise, and as the suffering triggers our awareness.” – Yaki Sayles

For two or more centuries, America has marched proudly in the van of human hatred – making bonfires of human flesh and laughing at them hideously, and making the insulting of millions more than a matter of dislike – rather, a great religion, a world war-cry.” – W.E.B. DuBois

Greetings, Sisters and Brothers. Amerikkka is a sick state – its social ills the product of the malignant sickness of ruling class morality. For us to make sense of the relentless, 400-year-long onslaught of racist violence against New Afrikans and other nationally oppressed people in Amerika and the absence of a collective program of comprehensive self-defense and secure communities among the majority of the New Afrikan population in the U.S., it’s important we first grasp the origin of this contradiction, as all other points of contradiction and irrationality flow from it.

There is a direct correlation between the origin of U.S. society, the relationship of New Afrikans in its development, the racist murder of nine women, men and youth in Emanuel A.M.E. Church, the ongoing wave of Euro-Amerikan police slaughtering New Afrikans in their communities, and our failure to develop a national policy of self-defense. To understand that correlation, we must trace its etiology.

The mode of production and appropriation is what determines the composition of a society and which class will rule it. When the Euro-Amerikan bourgeois settlers overthrew colonial British socio-economic organization in North Amerika, it retained for itself the same privileges of usurpation that the aristocracy had so long enjoyed; they simply replaced, through the restructuring of the modes of production and appropriation, the layers of illusion used by the nobility – mysticism of symbols, politico-religious illusions like the divine right of kings, etc. – with naked self-interest, direct exploitation, pseudo-scientific justifications for racialization and inhuman brutality and open, unashamed oppression. Human worth was reduced to mere exchange value, and all of the social life was commoditized for efficient valuation, barter and disposal.

These values made up the basis of “morality” for the U.S. ruling class, and they imposed their values on the whole of society through their enforcement apparatus, “the state.” The institutions of U.S. society were structured to orient the population in these notions of “morality” and “law” as well as their underlying basis: PROFIT AND VIOLENCE.

In doing so, the U.S. ruling class embedded the illusion into the whole of society that the ruling class’s interests and the people’s interests were one and the same, thus developing a slavery of the willing. Hierarchical and authoritarian in nature, the function of these institutions was to reproduce these warped values in society as a whole – based on one’s class, cultural group and resultant social function – as the supreme rules of social life.

This process of assimilation to the ruling class took its own unique form for each culture and class subject to its domination. For New Afrikans, it took the form of Jim Crow apartheid lynch law, COINTELPRO, the deliberate application of poverty, the intentional introduction of narcotics, criminalization, “legal” re-enslavement (in mass incarceration) and “civil death.”

Throughout each of these eras, we saw racist violence and murder being visited upon us at the hands of the state and aspects of its majority Euro-Amerikan population. Though New Afrikan resistance to the assimilation process has been consistent over the course of our 400-year domestic colonization – including organized self-defense at different periods throughout that history – we have yet to develop and implement a consistent and comprehensive secure communities strategy across the New Afrikan collective in Amerika. Our failure to do so has both maintained our vulnerability to racist violence in the U.S. and emboldened those who perpetuate such attacks upon us to continue to do so.

(W)hile the economic conditions of an ideology give us an insight into its material base, they offer us no immediate knowledge of its irrational core. Subject to the specific economic conditions of a society, man reproduces the historical economic process in his ideology. By forming ideologies, man re-shapes himself; man’s core is to be sought in the process by which he forms ideologies. Thus it is clear that the irrational formation of an ideology also makes man’s structure irrational.” – Wilhelm Reich

We watched along with the world the images of Dylann Storm Roof calmly walking into historic Emanuel A.M.E. Church. He sat in fellowship with nine of our sistas and brothas for an hour, then pulled out a gun and slaughtered them like sheep. Moments later he calmly exited the church, completely unmolested, got in his car, and drove away, leaving Rev. C. Pickney, Cynthia Hurd, Rev. D. Simmons Sr., Uzia Jackson, Tywana Sanders, Myra Thompson, Rev. Sharonda G. Singleton, Rev. Depayne M. Doctor and Ethel Lance dead.

This immediately conjured images of another New Arikan church in another time … of four little New Afrikan girls in an Alabama church murdered by a klansman’s bomb. Our minds moved to Trayvon Martin, Emmett Till, Renisha McBride, Eric Garner, John Crawford, Ezell Ford, Omar Abrego, Michael Brown, Tamir Rice, Oscar Grant and so many more, stretching in an unbroken line of corpses all the way back to the Middle Passage. Actions and organization of the broad masses of New Afrikans seemed to reflect a collective irrationality, which could not analyze the core contradictions accurately, and as a result were incapable of developing viable solutions to these contradictions.

Before we can speak of a genuine anti-racist agenda in the U.S., it must be understood that racism and its underlying basis, reactionary racial violence, are ideologies, and these ideologies are structural components of U.S. society. They cannot be “reformed” away. They are woven into the superstructure and base of capitalist Amerikka and are foundational components of its culture.

Racism itself, an ideological component of the system of global white supremacy, owes its very existence to New World slavery and the genocide of Native Americans during the U.S. ruling class’s primitive accumulation of capital. Racism is a uniquely Amerikan creation, and it is wholly irrational for us to seek to “reform away” the cultural fiber and ideological foundations of society.

It is even more irrational to seek to affect such change through identifying with its state and looking to its institutions – judicial, legislative, academic, socio-economic etc. – for such reform, when it’s the function of the state and these institutions to preserve the Amerikan cultural fiber and defend its ideological foundation – which includes the race-caste system and its underlying basis: racist violence.

It’s as though a large swath of the New Afrikan population has been so thoroughly assimilated to the ruling class that they have lost their capacity for rational thought. It is as though they’re incapable of thinking outside the dominant power system.

Consider the response of a significant number of our people in the immediate aftermath of Dylan Roof’s attack: They clamored for the Confederate battle flag to be removed from the South Carolina State Capitol, instead of clamoring to secure our communities and their institutions from further attacks.

We watched the entire proceedings, as South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, a longtime and staunch defender of maintaining the Confederate flag “as a symbol of (their) heritage,” shook the hands of the families of those slain as the flag lowering ceremony commenced. We looked upon this sea of humanity outside the South Carolina Capitol begin to cheer as an “honor guard” marched out to respectfully remove this symbol of death, torture, exploitation and hatred of New Afrikans and were amazed at the depth of irrationality in the U.S. mass psychology.

The state’s obsession with pomp and pageantry was clearly designed to deepen the delusion that the removal of this flag had any significance whatsoever in the structural racial hatred and institutional white supremacy imbedded – consciously or unconsciously – in the hearts and minds of millions upon millions of Euro-Amerikans.

We noted, as the flag was removed, New Afrikans were shouting, “USA! USA! USA!” and waving tiny U.S. flags, while only a few yards away, over half the crowd – all Euro-Amerikans, all clearly less than joyful – were hoisting Confederate battle flags in every size, while at the front of their crowd, one fellow was hoisting a large U.S. flag in one hand and the Confederate battle flag in the other. As if mirroring our thoughts, the camera panned back to the mixed half of the crowd still blithely shouting “USA! USA!” as if the contradiction only feet away wasn’t underscoring the irrationality of both their chant and their celebration.

Between 2005 and 2012, according to a study by USA Today, New Afrikans were murdered by Euro-Amerikan police officers at a rate of twice a week. Every one of those officers had a central commonality: Each of them had a U.S. flag sewn to their uniform. It was almost as though we were looking upon a physical manifestation of the U.S. fascist mass psychology.

We often view the ideology of racism as something separate from us, while failing to analyze how our core psychology has been affected by it. At the same time they were removing the Confederate flag from the South Carolina Capitol, it was being erected in millions of homes across the U.S. Amazon.com reported a 3,260 percent increase in sales of “Old Dixie” the day it was removed.

It would have been more rational to leave that flag right where it was, as a constant reminder of just what type of sick society we live in and our need to organize ourselves for self-defense and social transformation. The Confederate battle flag is just that – a symbol of Amerikan’s willingness to fight to preserve institutional racism as a structural component of U.S. capitalist society … just like the U.S. flag.

Consider this: In response to the massacre at Emanuel A.M.E., “Black Lives Matter” was spraypainted on the statue of a Confederate general. The response of Klansmen to this was to burn down six New Afrikan churches in five states. U.S. mass media mentioned a NAIM formation was holding a rally in South Carolina; the Ku Klux Klan’s response was to hold a march and rally through downtown Charleston, complete with national media coverage and police escorts to ensure their security.

The same way the U.S. government views ISIS or Al Qaeda as terrorist groups bent on the destruction of their nation and interests, the New Afrikan people in Amerikka view the KKK. There is nothing ISIS has done that the KKK hasn’t done to New Afrikans in Amerika – only the Klan carried these atrocities out with much more frequency over a much longer period of time.

However, if ISIS were to march and rally in downtown Charleston, S.C., they would be subject to immediate arrest and imprisonment under the U.S. Freedom Act, National Security Act and other “anti-terrorism” laws. But if the KKK does the same, they’re provided the full protection of the U.S. Constitution – armed police escorts and national media exposure.

Amazingly – or perhaps NOT so amazingly – the local NAACP president asserted, “They have a First Amendment right to do so,” and he supports their right to exercise it. What is the difference between ISIS and the KKK? One is all Euro-Amerikan, Christian, kills New Afrikans and is protected by the U.S. state; the other is primarily Arabic Muslim, targets Amerikans and Europeans, and is summarily killed by the U.S. state.

In the face of such gross contradictions, do you truly believe “Black Lives Matter” to the U.S. state? Racism and racist violence will continue to re-invent itself as long as the ruling class and state in power remain in power.

Part 2

Racism will continue to exist so long as the belief in the concept of ‘race’ and the material reality underlying it exists. It’s this belief which allows racism to appear as totally autonomous (independent) of the economic relations it serves: capitalism. Unless and until it is uprooted, its forms will change, and its practices will ebb and flow, following the needs of its base, the political requirements of the oppressive state, and the forms and levels of struggle engaged by the people.

Must racism be challenged? Yes. Does ‘race’ have a certain kind of ‘reality’? Yes, but, what we fail to focus on is that ‘race’ is only as ‘real’ as our consciousness and our practices will allow it to be.” – Atiba

Understanding the primary purpose of “racism” – to prevent broad class cooperation across cultural lines and to destroy unity amongst oppressed cultural groups with common interests – ensures that we develop strategies which protect our communities from the effects of this psychosis, without compromising our class unity or prospects of social cooperation. “Understanding that racism is a manufactured concept aids us in fighting it from the proper perspective – rationally and scientifically.”

“Combatting racism” is the conscious engagement of a fiction which has been granted material force in the world through its ideological structure. We are struggling against an illusion which only exists in the minds of man and woman. But much like superstition and the supernatural, it imposes itself on reality solely through our belief. Though irrational and unscientific, racism is nevertheless like the ghosts and ghouls that haunt our dreams, very lethal – and as such, it must be defended against … rationally.

Rationality is a hallmark of resistance to fascist assimilation. It is an indication of the peoples’ capacity to see its relationship to the productive system and social life as it actually is – and respond to it accordingly. It is not the existence of racist murder, violent atrocities, state sponsored terror and national indifference to the plight of New Afrikans in Amerika which should shock the conscience – that is all fairly standard in the U.S. It is the suicidal irrationality of our collective response to it which should concern us all.

A cursory analysis of the New Afrikan experience in Amerika from 1619 to the present clearly reveals Amerikans socially control, exploit, contain and kill New Afrikans as a matter of national policy. It is a policy that has evolved to maintain its function through every change in mode of production – from manual labor to industrialization, mechanization and computerization to financialization – pursued invariably through each, ever emerging, ever resilient.

Yet, in the face of tragedy after tragedy, be it racist police murdering us or psychopathic wannabe “Rhodesians” massacring us, we have yet to collectively commit to self-defense and securing our communities.

A primary question asked on tests measuring human intelligence is “If a faucet is running and a sink is overflowing, what do you do first?” (a) Get a mop and clean up the water, or (b) Turn off the faucet”? Of course you secure the faucet first. Otherwise you will be mopping indefinitely.

Similarly, what should we as a people do first? Organize ourselves so that our communities are no longer vulnerable to racist violence, or, continue to plead and organize within the same system that is responsible for the preservation and perpetuation of that racist violence?

The answer would seem obvious – yet it is not reflected in our social practice. Great effort has gone into organizing efforts like The Black Youth Project (BYP100), Dream Defenders, and reorganizing the NAACP, mobilizing hundreds of thousands of our people to hold elected officials accountable, organize rallies and direct action campaigns to raise the peoples’ consciousness, garner media attention, holding voter registration drives, organizing on social networks, and developing legislation in hopes of ending collective oppression. All very good and very important work … the same work that we have been doing since “Reconstruction” … mopping the floor.

It’s important that no one misunderstand our point here: The floor does need to be mopped … just not while the faucet’s still running. Yes, prayer and faith are vital aspects of our culture and solidarity in such times of tribulation – but they are a poor defense against bullets. And a reliance on the benevolence of those citizens who are either responsible for the national oppression or who benefit and have historically benefited from it is simply irrational.

New Afrikans, communities of color and poor people have always been willing to engage in dialogue with the state to create a just and humane society. Because it has always involved protest – the only time the state has ever been willing to engage in any kind of dialogue with us has been as a result of protest – the state’s response has always been exactly what it is now. The state really does hate us.

We overestimate the power of conversation and the benevolence of the state and those who benefit from our oppression, because, on this very basic level, we will not call this what it really is: hate!

We must defend ourselves against their hate. We must secure our communities – now! Any other course is irrational adventurism … just more floor mopping.

Even more irrational is the response of many of the warriors among us. As if to rub salt in the wounds of our own contradictions, the story the news ran immediately following that of the massacre at Emanuel A.M.E. was of the epidemic of New Afrikan on New Afrikan gang violence plaguing Chicago.

As we watch these images of our brothas, sistas and children murdering one another across Chitown, we realized that it could have been Watts, Cleveland, Oakland, Baltimore or Southeast San Diego that they were talking about. In the face of unprecedented racist attacks on our communities from agents of the state, self-styled vigilantes or run of the mill racist psychopaths, our response is to help them out by murdering one other over hood, set, turf or (drug) sack.

We can’t be serious!? Actively participating in our own genocide, in the face of non-stop assault on our humanity, is a classic example of the hate that hate has produced. Our inability to be able to look at each other and see a reflection of ourselves – the absence of a cultural kinship – is a consequence of our being under the influence of white supremacy.

It represents how much under the influence we are of – and how much we have been and continue to be damaged psychologically by – slavery. Indeed, the nation does still suffer from this pathology of hate.

There is nothing fly about wanting to be like forces who are committed to our destruction. The system of slavery is understandably viewed initially as a Black and White master-slave issue: racism. But slavery, the process by which one group or gender is made subordinate to a more powerful, stronger group, involves us all.

We are up against a united and powerful force and system. And the only chance that we have at defeating it is by coming together.

Division and disunity is weakness and vulnerability, but unlike a weak buffalo on a savannah that has become weak through illness, age or injury, ours is a willful weakness, a deliberate vulnerability and, as such, it is reversible.

The solution is to create a qualitative transformation in one social extreme – in this case, disunity-born weakness – by quantitatively increasing its opposite: UNITY.

It should never be easy to harm us – any of us. We must put our collective survival before our petty self-interests.

Part 3

When someone attacks you or threatens you, you make it clear that they will suffer in return. He may be able to win battles, but you will make him pay for each victory … You make him understand that every time he bothers you, he can expect damage, even if it is small. The only way to make you stop … is for him to stop attacking you. You are like a wasp on his skin: Most people leave wasps alone.” – Robert Greene

We must protect ourselves and our communities from these attacks by securing our communities. And that includes developing self-defense groups within our communities, safe zones that encompass public spaces for our children and grandchildren to play in, where our mothers and grandmothers, fathers and grandfathers, wives and lovers, friends and neighbors can engage in other areas of social life without fear of violent death by the hands of those of whose responsibility it is to protect them and our communities. We must also work diligently to overcome the mentality that has us held captive.

It will only be as result of our changing the way that we think – being under the influence of the hate that hate produced – in order to be able to develop strategies and tactics that will make it possible for us to not simply be left alone, but to create and maintain a just and humane society. And we honestly do not have a lot of time left to do so.

Our communities, like much of the planet, have already become giant cemeteries and mental health facilities. Citizens here and abroad are being displaced by wars and deprived of the things that we need to live routinely: water, food, housing, decent wages, employment, education, life!

At some point it is going to become clearer and clearer to more and more people that we are in fact in a fight for our very survival and that we are really dealing with people, an ideology – fascism – and white supremacy that has no interest whatsoever in the creation and maintaining of a just and humane society. And when that happens, people are going to start fighting back. You just cannot expect people to continue to allow themselves to be massacred, stepped on and herded off into prisons. At some point it is going to become clearer and clearer to more and more people that this is happening because we are subordinating ourselves to tyranny.

And tyranny is not a greater good. Fighting against tyranny does, at some point, involve violence. Whether we want it or not, whether we consider it to be acceptable or not, it is a natural response to tyranny.

One of the chief psychological factors which have long undermined a collective policy of self-defense within the New Afrikan community, communities of color and poor communities is the state’s insistence that violence is their sole province. Non-violence and passive acceptance of brutality is popularized in the media, revered in discourse and monuments by the state.

This is not by happenstance.

It is the historic continuation of the deliberate imposition of psychological weakness and submission to white supremacy begun in the “man-breaking, slave-making” process centuries ago. To reverse this process requires struggle – constant, non-stop struggle.

Constant struggle and protest is the only rational response to the non-stop assault on our humanity and the planet that is occurring. We must love freedom, ourselves and the humanity of our fellow citizens.

And that love is what we must subordinate ourselves to. That must be the greater good.

The act of securing our communities and reclaiming our humanity has a dialectically progressive effect on our people and on us all as well.

We begin to shed the capitalist delusions and colonial psychosis which have been imposed on us through the assimilation process. We begin to see the true nature of hate – racism, sexism, homophobia, poverty etc. We see past the shadow, which it is, on to the unequal social and economic relationships of the capitalist system which is actually casting it.

We begin to see our manufactured animosities and sub-culture divisions as aspects of our national oppression and, through this realization, glimpse the prospect of a new form of social life. This is what FUNCTIONAL UNITY looks like.

Functional unity is both a psychological state and social act; it is the conscious determination that one’s subjective animosities or active hostilities within our collective are subordinate to the survival of our people and humanity. It is consciously acting on a daily basis to ensure the welfare and survival of each other.

If our national oppression has taught us anything, it’s that the only “rights” we have are those that we can enforce. Our rights can only be enforced through self-defense.

Attacks upon poor communities, both physical and socio-political, are not abating but increasing. In the months of October, November and December 2015, just around the St. Louis area, seven New Afrikan churches were burned to the ground and, in the previous August, Yogi was assassinated. There is no area of social life in Amerika where New Afrikan mortality is not under threat, no place in this land where New Afrikan life is not undervalued, no other rational conclusion we can reach than we must educate, organize and mobilize our communities and ourselves for self-defense and our own security.

We think it appropriate to end this statement with “Freedom” by Frederick Douglass:

Those who profess to favor freedom
and yet deprecate agitation,
Are men who want crops without
Plowing the ground;
They want rain without thunder and lightning.
They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters.
This struggle may be a moral one,
And it may be a physical one,
Or it may be both moral and physical,
But it must be a struggle.

Power concedes nothing without a demand.
It never did and it never will.

Find out just what any people will submit to
and you have found out the exact amount of injustice
and wrong which will be imposed upon them, and
these will continue till they are resisted
with either words or blows, or with both.
The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the
endurance of those whom they oppress.”
– Frederick Douglass, Aug. 4, 1857

Let’s come together! Love, and struggling with you,

NCTT (NARN (New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalism) Collective Think Tank):

  • Zaharibu Dorrough (s/n Michael Dorrough), D-83611, CSP Solano B7-131L Level III, P.O. Box 4000, Vacaville CA 95696
  • Heshima Denham (s/n S. Denham #J38283), KVSP B2-117U, P.O. Box 5102, Delano CA 93216
  • Jabari Scott (Aaron Scott), H-30536, CSP Cor 3A-02-143, P.O. Box 3461, Corcoran CA 93212
  • Kambui Robinson (Tyrone Robinson), C-82830, HDSP D8-113, P.O. Box 3030, Susanville CA 96127

Editor’s note: This was written when all of the NCTT brothers except Kambui were still in solitary confinement in the Corcoran SHU. Since then, as a result of the hunger strikes, which they all participated in, and the Ashker settlement, all of them have been transferred out of solitary to “general population” yards. Visit NCTT’s new website for more wisdom from the think tank: https://narncollectivethinktank.org/.

 

 

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On the Correlation Between the Willie Lynch Method and the Debriefing Process

This is a Zine or Pamphlet written by J. Heshima Denham, a member of the N.C.T.T.-Cor-SHU, in 2005. It was also published in: Prison Art Newsletter  Vol, 5 (2005) nr 5 (where we found it, link is gone).


By J. Heshima Denham, with an introduction by Ed Mead

The cause of progressive social change is the guiding ideological force behind the Party’s works, policies, and programs and it’s in fact the very reason for its existence.

For purposes of this essay, “The Party”, encompasses all imprisoned revolutionaries, including all politically aligned units and organizations, as well as individual revolutionary activists. Yet, in recent decades, the Party’s functional ability and influence have been drastically curtailed due primarily to its leadership’s inability to truly trust the functional apparatus of the Party’s membership following devastating instances of betrayal and compromisation by Party personnel who have “debriefed.”

Debriefing  is a process which entails revealing Party and operational secrets, doctrine, self-incrimination, and the implication of other Party personnel in revolutionary activity. It is the contention of this piece that the origins of this functional blight on our glorious Party lie in the Willie Lynch Method of slave making—man breaking; and it is the correlation between the William Lynch Method and the debriefing process which is the single most insidious evil plaguing the Party’s functional ability.

Throughout the history of New Afrikaans resistance to slavery, cultural annihilation, brutality, racism, and second class citizenship there has also existed a seldom spoken about, but all too often attested to, Legacy of Mistrust amongst the truly committed elements carrying forth that resistance.

Following many decades of retribution, escape, sabotage, and outright rebellion by Afrikaans slaves in the New World, many white slave owners sought to develop methods of control to secure their economic interests in those slaves. This delving into the process of psychologically bonding and bowing a people to the yoke of servitude reached its loathsome heights in 1712 with the William Lynch Method of slave control. The Willie Lynch Method of slave making and man breaking is perhaps the greatest psychological bane to the cause of revolution that has ever plagued the New Afrikaans collective.

The great abolitionist Frederick Douglas observed of this phenomena: “conscious of the injustice and wrong they were every hour perpetuating and knowing what they themselves would do were they the victims of such wrongs, they were constantly looking for the rst signs of the dreaded retribution. They watched therefore, with skilled and practiced eyes, and learned to read, with great accuracy, the state of mind and heart of the slave, through his sable face. Unusual sobriety, apparent abstraction, sullenness, and indifference—indeed, any mood out of the common way afforded grounds for suspicion and inquiry.”

The William Lynch Method was developed specifically to thwart that “dreaded retribution” before it was ever allowed to blossom into the fertile hearts and minds of the oppressed by thoroughly stamping out the DESIRE for such retribution, let alone the cognitive and emotive faculties to carry it out. As stated by Willie Lynch himself: “I have a full proof method of controlling … slaves. I guarantee that if installed correctly it will control the slaves for at least 300 years … I have outlined a number of differences among the slaves and I take these differences and make them bigger. I use fear, distrust, and envy for control purposes.”

No self-respecting professional revolutionary or political historian can deny the fact that the bane of every major revolutionary political movement by Afrikans in Amerikkka has been to a greater or lesser degree hampered, halted, or destroyed by fear amongst the uncommitted, distrust by one faction of another, or envy of this leader or group by another or its own subordinates.

The historic examples of this methods effect on Afrikan Revolutionary Movements in this nation are legion, but I will attempt to shed light on a few of the more glaring examples in hopes that you will grasp the crux of this new perspective on an old problem. Nat Turner, himself a chattel slave, led a successful rebellion that had the potential to become a much larger resistance movement had slaves from the Jones plantation not taken up arms against Nat and his forces in defense of their “master.” These slaves feared freedom and retribution, more than harsh bondage and the whip: they trusted the man who beat and humiliated them, while distrusting a fellow slave come to free them. Willie Lynch’s admonition that, “you must also have your white servants and overseers distrust all Blacks, but it is necessary that your slaves trust and depend on us.
They must love, respect, and trust only us…” Each time I examine the failure of Turners slave rebellion, these words ring tauntingly through my mind.

Denmark Vesey, in 1800, developed a plan to seize a military outpost / port town in Charlotte, North Carolina but was betrayed by one of his own lieutenants who, it is said, did not appreciate the “lofty manner in which Denmark Vesey spoke down to him.” Discovering the enormity of the conspiracy, and the alarming certainty of its success, Denmark Versey and 16 of his inner circle where discovered and summarily hanged without getting off a single shot.

In the early 1900s through the 1920s Marcus Garvey, and his United Negro Improvement  Association, were one of the most dynamic forces in the cause of Pan-Afrikan Liberation and self-determination the world has ever known. With his rousing oratory and the comparative success of his Black Star Line, Garvey sparked the imaginations, stirred the spirits, and raised the hopes of countless millions of Afrikans the world over. However, it was primarily the relentless attacks of W.E.B. DuBoise and his NAACP which led to the Federal investigations that resulted in the Honorable Marcus Garvey’s incarceration, disgrace, and failure. This, of course, coupled with the embezzlement of hundreds of thousands of dollars (unbeknown to Garvey) by his own accountants, tolled the death knoll of perhaps the greatest Black Power movement of the 20th Century. Garvey was the victim of DuBoises’ envy, and an inability to trust his own financial agents.

However, it was the launching of the FBI’s Counter Intelligence Program (COINTEL PRO), and CDC’s accompanying validation and debriefing process which first staggered, then stalled, the Black Liberation Movement of the 60s and 70s and now decay the Party and its revolutionary apparatus under an insidious mold of mistrust. As revolutionary activists and political dissidents were arrested, imprisoned, and maltreated in the sweep of COINTELPRO, some uncommitted elements rather than make the necessary sacrifices for the cause, chose instead to compromise Party and organizational secrets. Not only becoming informants, but giving the tools of reaction the necessary ability to infiltrate the Party and other progressive organizations.

This process, coined “debriefing” by FBI handlers, became the crux of mistrust and rifts, not only amongst the various progressive political organizations but within the Party itself. Some claim such functional mistrust was the reason comrade Jonathan Jackson failed to have the necessary operational support present, allegedly promised by other Party personnel, which resulted in the death of this beautiful warrior and five other comrades that fateful day at the Marin County courthouse. Others contend this is also the reason comrade Fred Hamptons’ security detachment was conspicuously absent the morning he was assassinated. 

With so much “rattery” and betrayal occurring, no one knew who could or could not be trusted. In the wake of the Black Liberation Movement, and on through the transition to the New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalist Movement, as more of the Party’s functional apparatus in California was imprisoned and they turned to  revolutionizing the criminal mentalities of those Afrikans who also found themselves in the concentration camp environment—seeing the success the Party was having—the California Department of Corrections turned to the same, seemingly effective tool as the FBI began, first validating progressives and revolutionary activists, and then offering them the option of debriefing—of further compromising the Party in return for their freedom and a role as a continuing informant.

Naturally, with the William Lynch Method still prevalent in the psyche of the uncommitted, they were successful in penetrating Party security with the aid of those willing to comprise their principles for a cell in a different party of the concentration camp. This was the beginning of mistrust in the imprisoned Party.

There exists a direct link between the William Lynch Method and mistrust in the Party, so profound, that it is eroding our functional ability as surely as the Colorado River continues to carve away at the Grand Canyon.
It is my contention that the origins of uncommitted personnel and their subsequent actions (such as debriefing and informing) lay in the unevolved slave mentalities they yet possess despite their political indoctrination. If one ever wishes to find the origins of his circumstances and reality he need search nor further than his own thoughts.

Our thoughts dictate our actions; our actions dictate our circumstances; our circumstances dictate our reality. If we could bring forth the collective uncommitted elements who have compromised the Party from its inception on, and analyze their psychology individually, we would invariably discover that they each, to a greater or lesser degree, still cling to ideas and behaviors reminiscent of the slave mentality. Liberal sentimentalities; envy and back biting of the truly committed; a willingness to still engage in unethical or criminal activity; intransigence; trepidation or outright cowardice in the face of sacrifice; ignorance; greed; selfishness; all remnants of the slave mentality, all the fruit of the Willie Lynch Method. Such Party personnel were never truly committed to the cause nor the Party, only to what they themselves could wrest from the People, Party and Revolution.

It is within our inability to foster ‘Internal Revolution’ (that process by which one’s psychology and very being are changed) first, in all Party personnel prior to their indoctrination where lies the reason these uncommitted elements have even been able to infiltrate our ranks. What must be understood is not that uncommitted elements exist in the Party, but why they are uncommitted elements; and the answer is because their minds have yet to be liberated. They are still for all intents and purposes slaves; and thus their actions are those of slaves.

As William Lynch states …”I shall assure you that distrust is stronger than trust, and envy is stronger than adulation, respect or admiration. The Black slave after receiving this indoctrination shall carry on and will become self-refueling and self-generating for hundreds of years, maybe thousands.”

These words are an ominous portent comrades, 287 years later and the slave mentality still plagues us and our efforts at collective liberation. But what is more damaging to the functional apparatus of the Party, the truly committed, is not merely the presence of the uncommitted in our ranks, it is CDC’s ability to sew dissension and mistrust within our functional ranks through the debriefing process.

The manner in which they accomplish this end is two-fold, and I will attempt to illustrate those with correlates from the Willie Lynch Method in hopes they illuminate my points more vividly, though macabely. In the Willie Lynch Method of slave breaking the Afrikan female is made to watch the strongest, most rebellious male beaten to bloody ribbons, tied between two horses, tarred, feathered, and set on re before the two horses tear him apart. As Willie Lynch states: “the next step is to…beat the remaining (slave) male to the point of death in front of the female and the infant… We have (now) reversed the relationships. In her natural uncivilized state she would have a strong dependency on the… (slave) male, and would have a limited protective tendency toward her independent male offspring, and would raise females…to be dependent like her… we reverse nature by burning and pulling one… apart… and whipping the other to the point of death—all in her presence. By being left alone, unprotected … the ordeal caused her to move from her psychological dependent state to a frozen independent state…what have you got? You’ve got the (slave) woman out front and the (slave) man behind and scared. This is a perfect situation for sound sleep and economics.”

Similarly, after witnessing supposedly solid comrades, debriefing and informing and in many instances being debriefed and informed on, truly committed personnel begin (and understandably so) to mistrust all Party personnel to a greater of lesser degree, who aren’t in their similar set of circumstances and standing rm. They are thrust into a quasi “frozen independent state”, fiercely guarding those few Party secrets and resources from all but a few, because they feel they can no longer depend on those who haven’t “gone bad yet.”

This is a perfect situation to ensure the political progress and operational range of the Party is curtailed by the Party itself. And as Willie Lynch states, “Before the breaking process, we had to be alertly on guard at all times. Now we can sleep soundly, for out of frozen fear, his woman stands guard for us. He can not get past her early infant slave molding process. He is (now) a good tool…”; and comrades, unfortunately this too is relatively true—before the inception of the debriefing process the forces of reaction “had to be alertly on guard at all times”, now they sleep soundly because we stand guard for them against our own great potential.
And comrades, potential unused is as good as having none at all. If you don’t use it, you lose it.

The second is even more insidious, because it is more self-destructive than it is passively degrading. In our attempts to weed out uncommitted and philistine elements from our functional ranks, truly committed personnel are finding any fault, even those perceived and not necessarily existent, within other truly committed personnel resulting in further fear and mistrust.

A subtle, but constant organizational self-mutilation is occurring within our ranks; like a rabid dog which gnaws off his own foot in an attempt to separate the infection from his healthy form, yet only serving to increase his injury. And here in lies another correlate from our nemesis Willie Lynch, as he states:

“Don’t forget you must pitch the old Black male vs. the young Black male, and the young…vs. the old… you must use the dark skin slaves vs. the light skinned slaves… and the female vs. the male… if used intensely… the slaves themselves will remain perpetually distrustful…” 

Though the Parties’ own internal rivalries often flow along the lines of young or new comrades vs. old or veteran comrades; differing ideological branches; different sectors; and conflicting personalities, the correlate is none the less relevant. It is the ever present specter of the debriefer, the rat, the  betrayer which causes us to seize on the most minor or middling infraction and raise them to the level of major breaches in Party discipline, protocol, or procedure. Even I have found myself in an instance, too quick to condemn another comrade to the ranks of phillistia and uncommittedness; and I berated myself and asked the forgiveness of the comrade in question and the Party as a whole for such rashness in the throes of my zeal because, most importantly, it was wrong. I see in it, not the vigilance of the truly committed to Party security, but instead the subtle influence of our enemies in their attempts to foster dissention in our ranks. I say thee nay, comrades! We can not allow them to manipulate us into slowly devouring ourselves. Strict adherence to doctrine, discipline, and security are paramount, but this descent into organizational mutilation and mistrust of Party personnel is nothing less than slow suicide for our glorious Party and the Cause of Revolution as a whole.

The effects of this mistrust are crippling not only the Party’s ability to function, but our ability to evolve, grow, and develop. The primary purpose of all professional revolutionaries is fighting to build the Party, but I have seen firsthand comrades, this is a fight we are losing. Our ranks are dwindling. Though the masses cry out for progressive leadership there are too few truly committed, or even willing voices to answer. I have traveled the State of California for the last year, and what I have witnessed is truly disturbing. The Party’sinfluence, once deep rooted and far reaching, is now virtually symbolic alone. Though always assuming a leadership role, and gaining deference from the various Afrikan tribes, units, and organizations I encountered—that deference is almost that which is rendered to an honored elder who’s day has passed. When speaking of the Party, though with the utmost respect and admiration, the masses speak, as if referring to a great and awe inspiring warrior who fought valiantly to the death, but is dead none the less. There are those who actually believe the Party no more! This alone should alarm the entire New Afrikaans Revolutionary Nationalist Movement, all those who love freedom, justice, and equality, and most of all, every Party member alive, man and woman. Is our strategic and tactical expertise so awed that we can not evolve to the point where we can balance Party security with our need to grow and our ability to influence the People? I know this is not true, because I know this Party—I know my comrades—and our ranks boast some of the greatest social, political, military, economic, and cultural minds of our time, so I can only conclude that it is this insidious phenomena of perpetual mistrust which is crippling our personnel, crippling our Party, crippling our cause.
Revolution, radical progressive social change, is illegal in the oppressor nation in which it takes place; therefore imprisoned Party members are a natural outgrowth of pursuing the cause of righteousness in this Evil Empire. But for the truly committed revolutionary agent, imprisonment does not stop the forward progression of the Cause; and so the forces of reaction developed “validation” and adopted the debriefing process and its Willie Lynch Method correlations have served to do great damage to the Party’s functional ability, thus gravely harming the Cause, weakening its proponents, and degrading the Revolution.

If the Party is to continue to exist as an organizational entity and more importantly if The Cause is to continue to be carried forth, the party must resist and overcome this phenomenon.

When a thing’s small, at its beginnings, it is easily uprooted or destroyed… A seed is much more easily uprooted than a tree. But this evil that plagues us is centuries old; a gnarled tree with thick canopy, many branches, and deep roots—but if we are to remove this “tree” so the “sun” of organizational success can reach us again—we must wrest this vile tree up by its roots, we must strike at its origins. Acknowledging the William Lynch Method as the true origins of the debriefing process is the key to halting its affects upon imprisoned revolutionaries. By being aware of the subtle psychological effects of the William Lynch Method that vibrate through the undercurrents of the decisions being made by imprisoned revolutionaries which are hampering our collective efforts, we can begin to devise and implement successful psychological counter measures and operational procedures which will forestall this vile evils’ effects on our Cause and finally sever this centuries-long link with the slave mentality.

We are aware, painfully so, of the myriad methods that Willie Lynch, those who employed his methods, and now the Department of Corrections have used over these many years to destroy the trust, unity, cohesiveness, and influence by which we depend on to carry forth the works, policies, and programs of the People, Party, and Revolution. Therefore we must make ourselves equally, no, more intimately familiar with those methods which will not only counter their effects but give the imprisoned revolutionary the means by which to evolve to a new and higher level of operational sophistication.

Primary among these is, and always will be, the insurance that those who claim allegiance to the Revolutionary Cause and expect to serve the people in any organized capacity must have first undergone internal Revolution before they are initiated into the secrets of the professional revolutionary Party. Internal Revolution is the process by which an individual’s psychology is so drastically changed in the direction of righteousness, progression, and willingness to sacrifice for that progress toward what is right, that he is virtually a new being. Internal Revolution is the only reliable path to true commitment, and only truly committed elements can be unfailingly relied upon to be free of the Willie Lynch Methods affects or its correlates, no matter the form they may manifest themselves (threat of validation, fear of debriefing, etc.). Lip service is one thing, but the truly committed will reveal themselves by their day to day actions and can be tested reliably in the service of the Cause. This, our ability to develop truly committed elements is the single greatest weapon we have against the debriefing process, it’s Willie Lynch correlates, and any other sinister machinations the enemies of the masses can and will throw at us.

I’m sure none would disagree with me when I say security is the preeminent concern in any clandestine political movement; and I can say with equal alacrity that it has been our strict adherence to this dictate which has been the crux of some of our own self-immolating decisions. Our fear of compromisation has bred an almost paranoid distrust amongst those in positions of responsibility and trust within our various units and organizations, of their own membership at large: and this is understandable. I myself have been informed on while promoting revolutionary sentiments and socialist mores, I myself have been validated, and uncommitted elements have compromised me in their debriefing processes. Instances of such betrayal are legion. 

But instead of succumbing to my own innate desire to put everyone in the “suspect” category, it made me more determined to build trustworthy personnel wherever I encountered revolutionary minded men and women. This is real simple: the Party must trust its membership, despite this phenomenon… or die. We must adapt already existing procedures and protocols to deal with our enemies’ evolution in intelligence capability, and develop new ones to account for future breaches in our operational security. There have been instances where legitimate revolutionary functionaries have reached out for logistical, tactical, or operational assistance from those in positions of responsibility and trust, and received only silence in reply, dooming potentially beautiful operations or sinking progressive programs by cutting their own personnel off from the well spring of functional capability. It’s killing us…slowly… but as surely as malignant cancer. But unlike cancer, there will be no outside intervention, no group of concerned individuals  to treat our organizational ills; the cure will come from one place and one place alone: ourselves.

Only we can take the necessary steps to place our functional personnel in a psychological and operational position where they all can feel comfortable trusting one another, of depending on one another, of having faith in each other and thus our cause.

Only we can wield our potential as it was meant to be wielded, and be condent that we can be relatively safe doing so. Only we can identify, develop, and encourage Internal Revolution in others, thus forging truly committed personnel. Only we can stamp out the fear, mistrust, and pettiness plaguing the imprisoned revolutionary collective. Only we can bury Willie Lynch’s vile influence, which yet haunts us like a ghost, in the impenetrable tomb of our own determination. Let us be about the business of doing so. Let us say to the forces of reaction: “Bring on your lies and false labels; bring on your SHU cells and torture; bring on your rats and informers, for we shall never surrender, never give up, never submit, never give in… and in the end we shall win.” Solidarity to all those who love freedom and fear only failure. Think on these things, they are cause for great meditation.

Prison Art Newsletter vol 5 nr 5 (2005)
And:

Contemplations in a Holding Tank

How much can a brother take, as I’m sitting in this holding tank.
On my way from New Folsom State, it’s pitiful to think how low we’ve sank.
I look out of the 2×4 cage, at the merciless faces of these devils
CDC’s finest are paid, to reduce men to a sub-human level.
The information age in a micro-chip, as I race this post-industrial apocalypse.
The new world order propaganda perpetrated by the same old world fascists.
Our brothers are being locked up for life, and forced to submit to D.N.A. coding.
Prisoners are free sources of labor without rights, and you wonder why the county jails are
Overflowing.

Wake the hell up ‘cause they killin’ us and they don’t wait or hesitate.
Letting the media scare you, the more genocidal laws they can legislate.
House bill 15090 paid for the creation of A.I.D.S. to further their depopulation program.
A biological weapon bought and paid, and you bought that line about a monkey in the
Motherland.

My people obviously don’t see what I see, the thought slowly dawns on me
Those folks are lying on t.v., that smiling bitch on the news is phony
Quit biting for that bullshit, capitalists are incapable of morality,
They don’t care that your child’s illiterate, they’re too concerned with urban casualties.
They talk of family values, but criminalize young New Afrikan fathers every day of the week.
The child with no male patterning often dies, seeking his examples in the street.
They talk of being tuff on crime while giving us drugs and Tek-9’s,
They don’t care about lives-not yours or mine – just ensure ‘Amerika’s Most Wanted’ gets your
Dropped dimes.

It costs over $50,000 dollars to keep you locked up a year, and that ain’t no doubt.
But it only costs $15,000 dollars a year to send you to college, now you figure it out.
Now the Secretary of Defense is stating and making economic, foreign and domestic policy.
When the Nazi’s did it in Germany it was called fascism, now how fuckin’ blind can you be?

I’m getting on the bus now I gotta go, but the solution to society’s woes is as simple as
Putting bread in a basket.

The system of capitalist exploitation is evil and everyone knows, so we must fight oppression
Until it’s buried like a skeleton in a casket.

H.

Defiance

Artwork: cop. Heshima Denham
Defiance

Defiantly I stand in the midst of adversity and persecution, like a stone golem of old I am, impervious to the storm of conviction allayed against my very soul.

Defiantly I face those whose power is greater than my own. Like a warrior who is faced with unbeatable odds I fight on without pause.

Defiantly I look evil in its deceitful face though masked by false justice and spit in the eye of the oppressor.

Defiantly I march against my enemy, its allies and all who would advocate my destruction.

I am rebellion unbound.

Defiantly I face death and stand in prison like a standard that rallies all those who will no longer tolerate unjust imprisonment and who dare not falter in their battle for true democracy.

Defiantly I speak, defiantly I stand, defiantly I fight on, and will never surrender, never submit, never give in.

I am the unimprisonable, the unkillable, the unstoppable, the unenslavable; I am he who is spurned the world over yet who holds his head hight in the light of day.

I am the seed of ham. I am the Blackman. The Afrikan.
I am defiance.
H.

Creating broken men? A discussion on the U.S. domestic torture program

December 4, 2012: SF Bay View

by Zaharibu Dorrough, J. Heshima Denham, Kambui Robinson and Jabari Scott, NCTT Corcoran SHU

“Any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person, information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing a third person.” – United Convention Against Torture, Art. 1, Sec. 2

We extend our heartfelt greetings to you, brothers and sisters.

Many discussions are taking place on the nature of the indefinite solitary confinement program in the U.S. prisons and whether or not it constitutes torture. The debate on what to do about the program itself is being held at every level of social organization, from the U.S. Senate to the United Nations, from the California Legislature to the short corridors of Pelican Bay and Corcoran SHUs.

[Corcoran State Prison – Photo: Ben Margot, AP]

Academics from multiple disciplines, from psychologists to sociologists, have all weighed in with the objective, scientific analysis that indefinite SHU confinement is not only torture, but even limited SHU confinement results in irreparable psychological damage. Yet, as with the Bush era “torture papers,” the socio-economic and political interests of the capitalist tend to supersede and supplant objective evidence, moral reason and human decency.

Such debate, which only continues in the presence of arguments contrary to the obvious reality of the U.S. domestic torture program in SHUs across the U.S., is not only ludicrous, it’s reality, and it is this lethal component to the debate which forces us to share a perspective which should end the debate definitively, leaving behind only the inescapable truth: Amerika maintains the largest domestic torture program on earth. The state of California runs the largest torture program in Amerika, and it continues to exist in your name, with your tax dollars, because you allow it to.

A recent incident here in Corcoran SHU’s short corridor compels us to give voice to the outrage we should all feel at the continued maintenance of the indeterminate SHU debriefing process of the U.S. domestic torture program: Another suicide, Armando Morales (Baby Paya), a validated Mexican prisoner from Los Angeles who had been confined to SHU for almost a decade, hanged himself after the IGI moved him from the 4B-1L-C-Section short corridor, to 4A-1R.

The reason(s) that Armando was moved are the typical ones associated with the coercive tactics employed to break men’s minds: After his girlfriend had been compromised by IGI and other state and federal law enforcement, those same agencies mounted an effort to put pressure on Armando, who was actually a baby in terms of what he did and did not know, as it relates to the enormous pressure that law enforcement will apply to coerce information from persons they’ve targeted.

In response to that pressure, he took his own life. Naturally, IGI and the state will seek to escape any culpability, and their response to this is that each person is responsible for his own conduct. We should all recognize the illegitimacy of such a position – that this is nothing more than an excuse to try and separate themselves from a situation that they are responsible for by their reckless and barbaric disregard for our humanity.

Amerika maintains the largest domestic torture program on earth. The state of California runs the largest torture program in Amerika. 

We know this primarily because the vast majority of us have been in these tortuous madhouses for decades. One day is too long and not a single illegal act or rules violation has been committed by us to justify this, which is, by international law, unjustifiable.
But we also know this because our research into the origins of the torture program reveals that this type of systematic psychological degradation to coerce information and create broken men is its purpose. The domestic U.S. torture program carried out in SHU (aka SMU, control unit etc.) style prisons finds its origins at a meeting of social scientists and prison wardens held in Washington, D.C., in 1962, recruiting the findings of Dr. Edgar Schein, which he delivered to them in his man-against-man brainwashing. In addressing the group Dr. Schein stated:

“I would like you to think of brainwashing not in terms of politics, ethics or morals, but in terms of the deliberate changing of human behavior and attitudes by a group of men who have relatively complete control over the environment in which the captive populace lives.” 

The techniques he espoused would also require, to be effective, a new type of environment conducive to altering the very foundations of one’s perception of reality. For this the state took Dr. Levinson’s sensory deprivation prison unit design and a form of Skinnerian operant conditioning called “learned helplessness.”

This last technique is a key factor of both validation based indeterminate SHU confinement and the debriefing process. “Learned helplessness” is a systematic process of conditioning to crystalize in the imprisoned victim’s mind that he has no control over the regulation of his existence, that he is completely dependent on the state and its guards for the necessities of “life,” that he is helpless and must submit to the state’s power and control.

Our research into the origins of the torture program reveals that this type of systematic psychological degradation to coerce information and create broken men is its purpose.

This is, of course, contrary to core human consciousness and a linear thought divergence into two options, “resistance or escape.” The program is designed to apply maximum punitive coercion against “resistance” from the outset – from physical removal from the general (prison) population to sensory deprivation, using informants, collaborators and agent provocateurs to erode trust amongst those of like circumstances, punishing uncooperative attitudes, prohibiting collective thought or expression while simultaneously employing group punishment, arbitrary punishment and property restrictions etc.

At the same time, those who are capable of prolonged or indefinite resistance through ideological consistency, political development or force of will – like victims of crucifixion left to rot on crosses during the Roman Empire – they serve as powerful deterrents to those of lesser psychological resilience or those in general population to not resist and instead explore the second option: escape.

The state of California has made its escape option clear since taking the Schein-Skinnerian-Levinson system to its heights in erecting the torture units at Pelican Bay SHU. There are only three escape options available to you: parole, debrief or die. Due to the successful corporate influences of the prison industrial complex on the legislative, political and, to a degree, cultural processes in the nation over the past quarter century, most validated SHU prisoners are serving mandatory minimum, enhanced or BPT (Board of Prison Terms) based sentences and their very confinement to SHU is prohibitive to their parole.

A cell in the Corcoran SHU

The Board of Prison Terms has repeatedly stated to validated prisoners seeking parole:

 “If you want a parole date, you probably want to think about debriefing.” 

This reinforces the psychological pressure on those already weakened by the enforced conviction that they have been abandoned by and isolated from society – and only through submission and subserviency can they be socially accepted as human beings.

This form of “escape” – debriefing – is consistent with points 7, 8 and 9 of Dr. Schein’s behavior modification techniques: (7) exploitation of opportunities and informers; (8) convincing prisoners they can trust no one; (9) treating those who are willing to collaborate in far more lenient ways than those who are not.

Again, our personal experience with the state and its use of such opportunistic broken men against those of us who are committed to resistance has been demonstrated here at Corcoran-SHU on a number of occasions in which agents posing as revolutionary progressives have tried to undermine the efforts of the NCTT (New Afrikan Collective Think Tank), and when those efforts failed, they locked up and debriefed.

It was only through our collective education and insight and experience with these periodic Cointelpro-style attacks on progressives which allowed us to identify and resist the attack and mitigate its political disorder. But this does not negate the damage done by the broken males to the unity and progress of resistance in the SHU population.

Though political immaturity by some elements played a role in the mistrust and disunity that resulted from it, in the broader population, it is the nature of the domestic torture program itself to create such broken males that we must understand is prohibited by the international community – and the U.S. knows this in analyzing the effects of such broken males on the psychology of certain elements in SHU. Other such examples of torture being put to such use against those who resist in Pelican Bay, here and across the U.S. is legion.

The state of California has made its escape option clear since taking the Schein-Skinnerian-Levinson system to its heights in erecting the torture units at Pelican Bay SHU. There are only three escape options available to you: parole, debrief or die. The Board of Prison Terms has repeatedly stated to validated prisoners seeking parole: “If you want a parole date, you probably want to think about debriefing.”

In the etiology of the U.S. domestic torture program, Marion Control Unit was the first. When former Marion Warden Ralph Aron was asked why the torture unit was built, he replied, “The purpose of the Marion (and all) controls unit(s) is to control revolutionary attitudes in the prison system and society at large.” These broken males thus serve to not only damage or destroy progressives in prison but the attitudes and ideas of progressives in society at large.

It was always meant to be this way. To be sure, Dr. Broder, the psychotherapist who implemented Dr. Schein’s brainwashing program at Marion envisions those paroled broken men as “therapeutic technicians” who will take these techniques and warped views back into the community. Some 30 years later we have a snitch culture that derides objective facts in favor of a corporate media-created fantasy, and it owes some of its existence to the disastrous effects of isolation, which leads to the inevitable final “escape”: Death! Suicide rates in these sensory deprivation torture units are magnitudes higher than those in general population.

Speaking these words simply does not convey the reality of what we all know intimately: the transient appeal of the void as an alternative to endless isolation. We all know of the disastrous effects of isolation because we have seen what it does, along with the pressures that the state brings to bear on us all daily in its efforts to break us, efforts that include compelling the taking of one’s own life.

“The purpose of the Marion (and all) controls unit(s) is to control revolutionary attitudes in the prison system and society at large.”

If this domestic torture program did not exist, Armando and so many others would still be alive today. But his is only the “escape” view of death. There is also a “resistance”-based view of death – that all of us who will never be counted amongst the broken men not only understand, but have demonstrated twice before, and may well be compelled to do again: peaceful protest in the form of hunger strikes, mass single cell, work stoppage etc.

Christian Gomez died [a year ago], not “escaping” these torture units but “resisting” these torture units, and it is this dialectical view of this final option – that death is an active and practiced form of both escape from and resistance to indefinite SHU confinement – is the final and definitive proof that it is, undebatably, torture.

During an assembly hearing on solitary confinement on August 24, 2011, a former Corcoran-SHU prisoner testified, “For someone to be willing to lie down and die just for someone to hear the situation … in the SHU program, they must be serious.” His assessment was correct. We are serious. The question is, are we as a society serious about upholding basic tenets of humanity. People are dying who could be saved while you are reading these words.

A former Corcoran-SHU prisoner testified, “For someone to be willing to lie down and die just for someone to hear the situation … in the SHU program, they must be serious.” His assessment was correct. We are serious. The question is, are we as a society serious about upholding basic tenets of humanity.

And now you know. This is a system that must be abolished. It is a system that has robbed us all of some part of our humanity and has caused us to lose our way as a nation. So many of us have stood idly by as the U.S. has strode the world stage criticizing other nations for systematic human rights abuses and demanding that others meet their obligations to the world community, while they maintain the single largest domestic torture program and the single largest prison population on earth. If the U.S. is going to continue to insist that other nations meet their international obligations under U.N. treaty resolutions, they must do the same and adhere to the U.N. Convention against Torture.

They have proven that they will not do so without compulsion. We must ensure that they do so, as a nation of the people, for the people and by the people. If we are doing anything less, we are complicit in the state’s hypocrisy.

The Pelican Bay D Short Corridor has given us the proper onus for unity in their historic “agreement to end hostilities” issued for Oct. 10, 2012. We call upon all of you brothers and sisters across the nation in prison yards and hood blocks, in SHUs and barrios: Take up this call also. Turn your attention not toward one another, but to those who have condemned us all to languish at the lowest rungs of this locked anti-poor society: the ruling 1 percent.

Many of us have stood idly by as the U.S. has strode the world stage criticizing other nations for systematic human rights abuses and demanding that others meet their obligations to the world community, while they maintain the single largest domestic torture program and the single largest prison population on earth. If the U.S. is going to continue to insist that other nations meet their international obligations under U.N. treaty resolutions, they must do the same and adhere to the U.N. Convention against Torture.

Join the movement – embrace, support, join or form your own local Occupy or anti-prison industrial complex formation. Build coalitions. And in doing so, change this world. Come, let us make peace.
Our love and solidarity,
Corcoran SHU NCTT:

  • Zaharibu Dorrough, D-83611, 4B-1L-53, P.O. Box 3481, Corcoran, CA 93212 [53?]
  • J. Heshima Denham, J-38283, 4B-1L-43, P.O. Box 3481, Corcoran, CA 93212
  • Kambui Robinson, C-82830, 4B-1L-49, P.O. Box 3481, Corcoran, CA 93212
  • Jabari Scott, H-30536, 4B-1L-63, P.O. Box 3481, Corcoran, CA 93212

NCTT stands for NARN (New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalism) Collective Think Tank. All are held in solitary confinement, an internationally recognized form of torture, in the SHU (Security Housing Unit) at Corcoran State Prison.

Published in: SF Bay View, Dec. 4th 2012

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On the Ideological Persecution and Political Hypocrisy of the CA Department of Corrections (2003)

This was published in 2003, and shines a light on the unchanged and discriminating ways and reasons of “validating”   (= finding reasons for locking people up in solitary confunement without any end in sight) prisoners on the basis of political ideologies. See also this recent article on SolitaryWatch about the “validation-process”

Heshima wrote that this article was used as a pretext to keep him slammed in the solitary confinement torture unit. He asked the webmaster to post the attached “Confidential Information Disclosure Form” that shows the prison took this 2003 article published in California Prison Focus as ‘evidence’  of ‘gang activity,’ precisely what the article was refuting.

Published in: California Prison Focus Nr 18 (2003)

In the confines of the concentration camps which make up California’s Department of Corrections, those prisoners who express through word or deed any political belief or ideological standpoint divergent from what prison administrators deem the “norm” are labeled clear and present dangers to the general prison population and treated as such, despite the constitutional and regulatory safeguards against political persecution that the CDoC, as an agency of the state, claims to uphold. This pattern of hypocrisy and persecution  is responsible for the single largest population of purely political prisoners in the U.S.A., in the form of “validated” Afrikan prisoners in the state of California.

The CDoC has fully embraced and become a master of employing Amerikkka’s methodology of espousing an ideal on paper or within the confines of their regulations, but exercising a completely opposite pattern of behavior when such regulatory assurances benefit those who they categorize as  enemies such as  activists of revolutionary ideology. The California Code of Regulations, Title 15, Subsection 3004 states in part:

“…employees will not subject other persons to any form of discrimination because of race, religion, nationality … political belief…”.


The Constitution of the United States of Amerikkka, arguably one of the most perfectly written “theoretical” documents on socio-political freedom, ensures in the most elegant terms the right of every citizen, free or bond, to exercise whatever political belief he or she so wishes.

These assertions of ideological magnanimity on the part of the CDoC and its mother state are as empty and hollow as the cells here in Corcoran SHU. 

For example, on October 6, 1995 at Pelican Bay State Prison, L.L. Anderson, then a Lieutenant in ISU (now a Captain) stated the following in a validation memorandum on a prisoner whose political ideology was revolutionary in nature:

“Confidential memorandum dated 11/1/93.  
This memorandum clearly outlines subject’s affiliation with terrorist organizations (i.e. The New Afrikan Peoples Organization and the Afrikan Socialist Party) and support of a New Afrikan  Revolutionary Nationalism (N.A.R.N.). N.A.R.N. is considered synonymous with the Black  Guerilla Family ‘prison gang’ and is now accepted as a source for validation purposes.”

Incredulously, Mr. Anderson goes on to state:

“Some correspondence connects subject with individuals linked to the Weather Underground and the Nation of Islam. These two terrorist organizations are well noted for their sympathies to overthrow the government.”

I’m sure the hundreds of thousands of Afrikans in Amerikkka and abroad who subscribe to the political ideology of New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalism, Maoism-Leninism-Marxism, and Scientific Socialism, as well as the millions of Muslims who adhere to the religious doctrine of the Nation of Islam will and do take offense to L.L. Anderson, and the CDoC relegating their beliefs and faith to “prison gangs” and “terrorist groups”, not to mention the total disregard for their own regulations and the guarantees set forth in the Constitution of the United States of Amerikkka. 

This example of hypocrisy is not the exception, but the rule when dealing with progressive elements in the prison population.

I myself was validated as a member of the so-called “Prison Gang/Terrorist Group”, the Black Guerilla Family at High Desert State Prison in August of 2001 in perhaps one of the most ridiculous examples of fabrication of evidence and misrepresentation of facts in the history of the validation process.

Nonetheless, the primary content and theme of this ridiculous validation packet was my affiliation with, and belief in, New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalism, Scientific Socialism, and my assertion of the inherent behavioral obligation to righteousness and egalitarian mores. Not a single document, or piece of paper, even those I.G.I. Correctional Officer D.D. Shaver fabricated, made a single reference or allusion to the BGF or any other organizations in particular-but as L.L. Anderson stated back in 1995, 

“…New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalism is considered synonymous now with … prison gang(s)…”.
It is my contention that the reality of political freedom and the right to exercise such does not extend to those whose freedom has been abrogated by the legal farces men call “courts of law”.


Despite the obvious hypocrisy of the CDoC and its insistence on persecuting New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalists, I’m not naïve enough to react emotionally to this phenomena, quite the contrary, I approach virtually everything with cold objectivity and analytical emotional detachment and therefore can understand intellectually why the state fears us so. 

As an ideological system, New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalist and Scientific Socialism is in diametric opposition to the actual “penological interests” of the CDoC which is the genocide of Afrikan and Latino males in this state. In order to justify the existence and prevalence of the prison industrial complex as a societal necessity here in California, the state must relegate the proponents of Nationalism/ Socialism/ Egalitarianism within the concentration camp environment to the status of “criminal”, “terrorist”, or “gang member” in order to neutralize the organizing and psychological liberating effect the proponents of such have on the masses of otherwise uninitiated prisoners who find themselves, more often that not, in the clutches of the Department due primarily to the socio-economic disenfranchisement, behavioral modification, and educational/employment disparities based on race which are systemic built-in mechanisms for the Amerikkkan social infrastructure. The entire so-called criminal justice system and the prison-industrial complex it serves, is not a solution to the ills of society and I  challenge any objective analyst to state its aims are “justice”.

This entire machine is nothing more than a mechanism to “legitimately” exterminate a specific portion of this Nation’s population, particularly Afrikans and Aztecs, but first creating the social conditions which offer no other viable choice to meet the basic needs save the transgression of countless laws, then ensure the conviction and lengthy incarceration of those who do transgress, ending in the doom of the strongest aspects of the non-white male population, and all in the name of the law.

Allowing the purveyors of revolution in the concentration camp environment, the political freedoms guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution and the California Code of Regulations, would be in effect allowing the prisons of California to become revolutionary universities.

Men who entered these pits of perdition, instead of becoming more savage and inhumane would be truly rehabilitated in the sense that the former capitalist-criminal ideals, which lead them to prison in the first place would be replaced by egalitarian mores, and the state would be release true democratic idealist and scientific socialists into the uninformed chaos of mainstream society where they will educate and influence the poor, oppressed masses to a truth that would mean an end to the capitalist ideal and the reality of the system of white supremacy.

This is something the current system of power is not prepared to do. One must concede, from a purely intellectual and objective point of view, were I a “Babylonian”, I would do whatever necessary to maintain my position of power as well, including crushing the rights of my incarcerated citizens and throwing those who would expose me for the charlatan and fascist that I am in the deepest, darkest, dankest cell I could find.

Here in California, these cells are called Corcoran and Pelican Bay SHU. For this reason, those who embrace the ideology of social change should be aware of the fact that the second you are identified as such you will be persecuted in the California Department of Corrections.

In fact, if you take up the mantle of the revolutionary activist, and you fear or feel you could not withstand the full force of the state brought to bear on you in the most hospitable ways-perhaps you should not embrace revolution. I have stated many times before that the most difficult occupations on the face of the Earth is that of the professional revolutionary. You must be a historian, sociologist, and intelligence officer, detective, psychologist, counselor, military strategist, and warrior.

You must above all love the people, and do all of this while attempting to conceal what you are in plain sight of an enemy who would love nothing more than to throw you in a SHU cell for the rest of your life. George Lester Jackson stated in his sage masterwork, Blood in My Eye, that “…revolution is a war for the minds of the masses”, and it is my contention that the only thing that separates the makers of history for those whose histories are made for them, is the power to alter their environments, the power of change. 

That power, ladies and gentlemen, is nothing more or less the power of information. Revolutionaries educate the masses, but it is virtually impossible to do so in the concentration camp environment, while living according to the ethical and behavioral precepts you are espousing, and not eventually be compromised. No matter how progressive the results engendered by revolutionary agent in any particular prison sector, for or against prison administrators; no matter how righteous the aims or outcome of such activism-it will be deemed a threat, and the proponents of change will be attacked and relegated to the harshest, most isolated conditions these “people” can concoct. This is merely the reality of the situation, and must be addressed as such. The political (and all too often actual) survival of revolutionary activists within the concentration camp environment depends solely on one’s ability to remain clandestine.

The CDoC’s hypocrisy, and the states support thereof, should be viewed by all revolutionary activists and proponents of human rights, as verification of the righteousness of our cause and should serve as a motivational factor for true commitment.

Oh yes, if you believe in New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalism, Scientific Socialism, or a plethora of other progressive political beliefs, and you find yourself in a California prison, you will be persecuted for your belief. But this does not negate the fact that it is your human, Constitutional and regulatory right. The level of persecution you sustain for exercising this right will vary from individual to individual, but it will be directly proportional to the effectiveness of your influence on the people and the social conditions you find yourself in.

Nonetheless, in the final analysis no level of persecution or obvious hypocrisy will alter the truth, and the truth of the matter is those who prescribe to such political beliefs as New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalism, are not members of a “prison gang”, nor are they “terrorists”, they are fearless men and/or women who call the oppressor an oppressor, and are prepared to do whatever is necessary, including enduring persecution, to alter that reality. I state, without apology, that if we apply the CDoC’s description, the BGF are not a “prison gang” or “terrorist group”, these brothers are a revolutionary organization no different, or less legitimate than the Afrikan Peoples’ Socialist Party, the New Afrikan Peoples’ Organization, of the Revolutionary Communist Party, and I’m sure they, like all other progressive organizations do not see the future of the world through the prism of Amerikkkan geopolitical interests, and thus by the CDoC’s definition, are a threat to those interests.

Yet under the rubric of Amerikkkan psychology, Israel, a state that bombed Palestinians out of their homes to create this nation-state after W.W.II is an ally-Nation, and the Palestinian people who resist with force the apartheid-like conditions, they are forced to live under are “terrorists” and “extremist”. In fact, any organization, group, state, or nation opposed to Amerikkka and its interests are labeled “criminals”, “gangs” or “terrorists”. Namibian foreign minister Theo-Ben Gurirab, a leading office of the Afrikan Union, while at a recent summit of the Commonwealth Heads of Government in Coolum, Australia stated: “We think the…definition of terrorism is built only around enemies of the U.S….” [see: http://www.csmonitor.com/2002/0320/p09s01-woaf.html], and I must not only agree, but raise my fist in solidarity with every other Afrikan prisoner “validated”, and serving and indeterminate SHU term in the state of California in declaring to the world-we are living examples of this reality; that even in the confines of prison, we are hunted down, rounded up, and buried under the penitentiary.

However, what is more important and vital to this discussion, and what I wish to share with every reader of this beautiful publication, is: sacrifice is the basis of all struggle and no level of persecution or hypocrisy will deter the truly committed from serving the people, the party, and the revolution-this is my human right-and yours as well-exercise it…think on these things, they are cause for great meditation.

          Heshima DenhamOriginal: http://www.karnataka.prisons.org/documents/cpf18.pdf

In PDF

Click to enlarge: Confidential Information Disclosure Form: see under nr 3.

A day in the life of an imprisoned revolutionary

by J. Heshima Denham
In: SF Bay View, May 8th 2012

“The purpose of the … control unit is to control revolutionary attitudes in the prison system and in the society at large.” – Former Marion Supermax Prison Warden Ralph Aron

“In several instances (the control unit) has been used to silence religious leaders. It has been used to silence economic and philosophical dissidents.” – Federal Judge James Foreman, U.S. District Court, East St. Louis, Illinois, 1980


“This type of struggle gives us the opportunity to become revolutionaries, the highest form of the human species, and it also allows us to emerge fully as men; those who are unable to achieve either of those two states should say so now and abandon the struggle.” – Che Guevara, Bolivia, 1967


Heshima wrote on the back of this photo – a rarity, as prisoners in isolation often go decades without being photographed: “This photo was taken a few days after the first hunger strike ended (last July). I was only 178 pounds; I’d lost 42 pounds.”

Greetings, brothers and sisters. Perpetual existence in the sensory deprivation torture units of Amerika, like any form of socio-political violence, is virtually impossible to understand if you’ve not personally experienced it or some other form of coercive force over a prolonged period. Though the human imagination is infinitely capable of conjuring fantasies of such horrors, what appears equally shocking to many is how can some not only resist such systematic psychological torture, but actually improve themselves under such conditions of extreme duress.

Ironically, the answer lies in the motivation of the torture itself. The origin of our resistance lies in the very nature of the core contradictions of capitalist society in conflict with the advanced elements of its most oppressed strata: the bourgeois state’s attempt to stamp out revolutionary sentiment amongst the lumpen-proletariat in hopes of maintaining and expanding its reactionary character, in contrast with the struggle of political and politicized prisoners to raise the consciousness and revolutionary character of the entire underclass, all while resisting the fascist state’s attempts to silence our dissent, crush our will to struggle and foment defection.

We have consistently sought to expose the objective reality of our collective exploitation, of what society’s ills are, their origins in the arrangement of the productive system, and how to change them in the interests of the vast majority of the world’s people. We have consistently been tossed in control units for doing so.

Prison is a socially hostile microcosm of society at large.


Prison is a socially hostile microcosm of society at large. The same structures and relationships – political, social and economic – that make up U.S. society are reflected on any prison yard, stripped of the pretense of patriotism and unity. Those social forces who dictate society’s guidelines – i.e., the ruling class, bourgeois state, the 1 percent etc. – have ensured “the rule of law” is structured to sanction those who would disturb the maintenance of the core contradictions upon which capitalist society is based – i.e., social production leading to private appropriation, the economic class structure, the race card system etc.

Should critics or dissenters rock the boat too far outside the bourgeois prescribed course, they invariably find themselves ostracized or imprisoned. Once in prison nothing is different. Abuses of imprisoned revolutionaries dates back centuries in the U.S. The legacies of John Brown, Eugene V. Debs, Melvin B. Tolsen, Clifford James, W.L. Nolan and George L. Jackson continue today in the indefinite sensory deprivation isolation of Leonard Peltier, P. Sangu Jones, Mumia Abu Jamal, Sondai Ellis, Zaharibu Dorrough, Sitawa Dewberry, Jarvis Masters, D. Mutope Crawford, L. Powell, Wembe Johnson, F.Y. Carter and so many more principled servants of the people and champions of humanity, all daily subjected to indefinite psychological torture solely because they will never renounce the struggle against the oppression of man by man … and neither will I. I am a product of this unbroken legacy of revolutionary thought, action and eternal commitment and have shared the same torturous fate for 12 years, and will continue to do so until we win or don’t lose, until victory or death.

But I’ve been asked, “What is it really like, a day in your life?” We share a functional collective consciousness, so sharing a single day from my life should give you a glimpse into the “lives” – the existence – of all these examples of humanity’s most noble spirit: the revolutionary in perpetual resistance to indefinite torture.

I’ve been asked, “What is it really like, a day in your life?” We share a functional collective consciousness, so sharing a single day from my life should give you a glimpse into the “lives” – the existence – of all these examples of humanity’s most noble spirit: the revolutionary in perpetual resistance to indefinite torture.


I wake to darkness and cold. It’s 4:30 a.m. and I’m in my small cell in Corcoran SHU (Security Housing Unit). I turn my head slightly to see the photos of my children and grandson on my wall and close my eyes to thank the creator for giving me another day of life in which to make some contribution to the cause of freedom, justice, equality and human rights. I ask that my comrades, my children and my siblings be watched over, their health preserved.

I then open my eyes and rise. It’s particularly cold this morning as I lace up my shoes, fold my linen, and roll my mattress back. After attending to my morning ablutions, clean the sink and sweep my floor, I turn on my TV to the news and enjoy a cup of coffee in preparation for my routine.

I have to be extra careful as I change the channel since the last power surge fried my TV cord and if I move my TV it’ll blow out again. The c/o (correctional officer) walks past flashing his light into my cell. I have the cell light that glares 24/7 blocked using a piece of string and sheet so I can stave off the migraines that accompany the constant illumination we endure daily.

I watch the various stories engaging bourgeois state-controlled media today: Multinational and domestic corporations, sitting on trillions in cash reserves, are refusing to hire because they claim a combination of “regulatory uncertainty and adverse consumer sentiment” has them sitting on the sidelines of the labor market. I see through this blatant gambit to manipulate the working class into opposing greater financial regulation and health care reform in seconds.

In an economy fueled by consumption, which is directly proportional to wage labor payrolls, corporations are intentionally prolonging the depressed economic cycle by not hiring, thus creating a self-fulfilling prophesy of reduced consumption creating the perception amongst the exploited workers that re-establishing the deregulated free market – which is what caused this current recessionary-recovery cycle – and repealing the petty bourgeois policies of the Obama administration in favor of more industrial bourgeois policies that are championed by Republicans is their only course to broader employment.

I shake my head in a combination of pity, anger and disgust as I hear these deluded patsies parroting the ideas of the ruling class as they languish “trapped in the matrix,” their desperate conditions blinding them to their own interests. They continue to grasp and flail ineffectually to realize their immediate interests, seemingly oblivious to any conscious aspirations of changing the system itself, of seizing power and structuring society so the ownership of the means of production and distribution actually reflects the reality of social production and human need.

I immediately berate myself for the direction of my frustrated thought: I remind myself, as I rise and begin my warm-up routine of jumping jacks, that it’s not the people’s fault when the revolution fails; it is the fault of the vanguard party, our fault … MY fault. I/we must redouble my/our efforts, I think. We must combine our ideas, analyses and efforts in a more effective and efficient form to get our words heard, these ideas understood, these theories tested in the vital arena of social practice.

It’s not the people’s fault when the revolution fails; it is the fault of the vanguard party, our fault … MY fault. We must combine our ideas, analyses and efforts in a more effective and efficient form to get our words heard.


I did weight work yesterday, filling my laundry bag with stacks of transcripts and old magazines, then lashing them down with pieces of sheet and string to make a weight bag. So today I’ll do circuit training. I settle on 10 circuits of five exercises: 50 pushups, 40 crunches, 50 split-lunges, 20 dips (between the dunks) and 50 three-count squats.

The pain in my right side, which has been there since the first hunger strike, is like a piece of shrapnel in my side and by the sixth circuit I’m feeling my age, my body wanting to quit. “No one’s here but me,” I think. “I’m sweating, I’ve pushed my body, why continue to endure this pain?” Almost instantly a more insistent voice answers: “What if you were in the field of battle and the lives of your comrades and the people depended on you fighting on? What is pain to the future survival of the people, the party and the revolution? Nothing at all.”

All life is suffering; it is the nature of your existence, the price of your unwavering commitment to what is right. I heed this second voice. I ignore the pain and exhaustion and push on. I feel the cold stone under my palms and the sweat flowing from my pores, but none of it registers in my mind. I am fueled by images of combating the sick bastards on this TV who are dragging an old woman away in cuffs, her head bloodied, from an Occupy Movement protest line.

I strive to control the fire, to channel it into my exercises, and just as the rage against all the injustice I’ve witnessed and endured at the hands of this sick system seeks to overwhelm my reason, my discipline clamps down on it, I detach from my emotions, and finish my last set. I pace my small cell and drink a cup of warm water, re-asserting greater control of my breathing and heart rate in preparation for the next half of my morning regimen, cataloguing the work I have before me today and prioritizing it.

The c/o’s walk by for morning count and unlock the barbox – the sound of the metal gears falling into place, of tray slots being unlocked in preparation for chow signaling the start of another day in the torture unit. When they leave the section, I put up my window blockers and do 45 minutes to an hour of kata and martial arts training.

Here in the 4B1L-C section short corridor, the windows in the gun tower are mirror-tinted and the section windows blacked out. They can watch you, but if they’re staging a raid or monitoring your in-cell activities, you can’t see them. You thus live in a state between perpetual uncertainty and hyper-vigilance, never knowing when you’ll have your cell torn up and property destroyed or confiscated.

They are aware most imprisoned New Afrikan revolutionary nationalists practice some form of self-defense, and they believe they have sufficient documentation as to the extent of my decades of attention to these sciences in my C-file and elsewhere, but they really don’t, so I prefer to train in conditions of privacy to keep the extent of my expertise to myself. I end with some light moving meditation and then take my bird bath.
Around this time they are coming through the section door with chow. It’s scrambled eggs and potatoes today; it’s Tuesday. The menu never changes. You know the meal by the day of the week. We’re being served on paper trays, the food is grossly under-proportioned and ice cold. I go to the door and accept my small tray of food and sack lunch, looking at these c/o’s laugh and joke about the game they enjoyed over the weekend.

Through hooded eyes, I speak politely, thanking them for the cold food and wishing them a good morning. Startled by this response, they offer a nervous pleasantry in reply. I deposit my meal in a white paper cup, place the 2 slices of bread over it and scoop the 3-½ spoonfuls of cold cracked wheat cereal into my mouth and wash them down with some warm water.

I see this for the subtle psychological attack it is, reminding myself provocation and/or mental degradation is its intent. I form the opposite reaction, remembering there are men and women right now in some CIA blacksite prison in Uzbekistan being raped with a cattle-prod for breakfast yet maintaining their ideological integrity. I’ll do no less. The fact that they’ve been feeding me this way for 12 years and counting only strengthens my resolve. I’m desensitized by this point. I eat only to survive. I stopped eating for taste, texture or temperature years ago.

The food is grossly under-proportioned and ice cold. I see this for the subtle psychological attack it is and form the opposite reaction, remembering there are men and women right now in some CIA blacksite prison in Uzbekistan being raped with a cattle-prod for breakfast yet maintaining their ideological integrity. I’ll do no less.

I finish my “bird bath,” clean my sink, toilet, walls and floor, then sit down and eat half of my eggs and potatoes, saving the rest to eat with my lunch. My sack lunch – one slice of bread, two thin slices of bologna, a pack of two graham crackers and a small pack of almonds (12 almonds in a pack) – needs these extra calories to hold me till chow at 5 p.m.

I make my coffee pack, sit down and open my “office.” I intentionally maintain a massive workload so all of my time is consumed with activity. I am very conscious of time, of the quantity and quality of my daily service to the revolutionary cause.

I’m doing a portrait of a family who’s befriended my comrade Kambui in hopes of strengthening those social ties and displaying the quality of my/our work to a broader public audience; I’m designing new pieces for my/our greeting card line in hopes of raising funds for our progressive community development programs; I’m litigating a medical civil rights claim on behalf of a prisoner here with diabetes where I’ve been forced to file four different motions for extension of time because we’ve not been given law library access since August.

We’re supposed to get law library access today. I have several chapters and papers I have to review in various texts on economics, politics and mass psychology for a new piece we’re writing on the practice application of revolutionary scientific socialism in the U.S. today. I’m helping some good comrades gain a broader understanding of the ideas of Fanon, Marx, Engels, Mao, Trotsky and Ho Chi Minh as they relate to the ever-evolving conditions in modern society, trying to finish some work for our brothers and sisters in the progressive media and the Occupy Movement and putting the finishing touches on a Japanese cultural piece I/we initially intended to donate to the Fresno Museum of Art to auction off for the Japanese Tsunami Relief Fund but can only assume the museum director never wrote back because we are prisoners and she could not see past the propaganda of the state and its corresponding social stigma.

I take on all these projects, and more, intentionally. Enforced idleness is a key element of the sensory deprivation torture unit. The isolation is designed to concentrate the psychological impact of this endless idleness. The mind is supposed to turn in upon itself, warping reality. It is structured to re-enforce the concept that you have nothing to look forward to but the same nothing … forever. Its purpose is to break the minds of weak men, to transform them into craven informants, agents of the state, rats, debriefers.

The mind of the developed and committed revolutionary cannot be broken. Whenever it encounters such adverse conditions, it changes those conditions. I/we have no “idle time.” From the lowest, most oppressive conditions in this society, the SHU, we struggle daily to advance the progress of humanity itself.

We must work 10 times harder than any other segment of society to have the most miniscule influence on human affairs because we have such overwhelming power arrayed against us with the sole purpose of repressing our ideas – i.e., IGI (Institutional Gang Investigations), ISU (Investigations Services Unit), prison administrators, state officials, the U.S. federal government, decades of false propaganda and entrenched social stigmas which have created an aversion and irrational skepticism of anything positive and progressive originating here.

I/we have no “idle time.” From the lowest, most oppressive conditions in this society, the SHU, we struggle daily to advance the progress of humanity itself. We must work 10 times harder than any other segment of society to have the most miniscule influence on human affairs because we have such overwhelming power arrayed against us with the sole purpose of repressing our ideas.


We have a monumental task just overcoming the obstacles to communicate with you all. We have far too much work to do by writ of our chosen lifestyle to ever fall prey to such an innovation in psychological coercion. We are not simply immune, but where the truly committed are concerned, such attempts have the opposite effect: The fact that they would even attempt such attacks on dedicated servants of the people only hardens our resolve to resist. It makes us more revolutionary, better servants of the people and better men.
So I sit here for the first half of my day and work on this portrait. As I work, my thoughts tend to drift to my regrets. I’ve been imprisoned for most of my children’s lives and thoughts of their welfare and safety consume me: What are their interests and views, what do they value, what do they love? I look at the photo of my daughter Jawanda. I’ve never seen her face in real life or heard her laughter. I write them all (I have five children) at least once a month or more, but it’s been years since I’ve heard from most of them. I’m convinced my daughter Jawanda hates me for not being there for her and her brother as they grew up.
I push the thoughts away, comforted in the knowledge that my daily efforts in the cause are the greatest gift I could give them: a world where the interests of the many actually govern its direction and nature, democracy in form and not simply in word. Though I will not live to see the victorious revolutionary change for which I have labored all their lives, and will continue to for the remainder of my own, their children just might usher in this new social order on the heels of our contributions.

I hear keys as the section door opens and IGI officers enter the section wearing their arrogance and warped perceptions literally on their sleeves. They’re here to escort someone to ACH (hospital clinic). As they do so, the nurse and escort officer walk the tier dispensing medication. I accept and take my own meds, treatment for the inescapable damage done to my own mind which has manifested itself in an actual imbalance in my brain chemistry. I ask the officer, “Are they going to run law library?” They haven’t called with a list yet. But “doubt it,” he says.

I leave the door and return to my work, suppressing the sharp spike of anger at their continued refusal to allow us to access the courts to redress these inhumane violations of our rights. Another log on the pyre of the daily usurpations of our basic rights. Before I know it, it’s noon and I set my artwork aside and prepare my lunch while the news plays in the background.

I pick up the book Zamarabu sent down to me, “New Theories of Revolution” by Jack Woddis, and I pick up where I left off as I finish my meal. Most of the texts and concepts Brother Woddis is critiquing are close at hand and by the time my meal is finished and sufficiently digested, I have several tomes opened, cross-referencing ideas and concepts while I simultaneously view them through the prism of current social conditions and my own dialectical analysis.

I save two slices of bread, my apple and a slice of bologna from my lunch so I’ll have something to work forward to this evening. With that done, I turn my attention to addressing a question one of my comrades had on whether the practice of several small businesses trading among themselves to keep their overheads low equated a form of socialism, having seen the same story on PBS. I explained to the comrade his question underscores the importance of ideological development and a firm grasp of historical materialism when analyzing socio-economic phenomena.

What he had observed was a barter system amongst petty-bourgeois proprietors in an intra-class conflict with the more powerful industrial bourgeois interest – in this case Wal-Mart; this was not socialism. Those small businesses continue to offer their goods and services to consumers at a profit mark-up, continue to appropriate the surplus value of their workers’ labor, continue to support this system of white male privilege, race-class divide and rule, and labor exploitation. They are not socialist or revolutionary; quite the opposite, they are reactionary as they seek to turn back the wheel of history to the point where their mode of small production was the dominant segment of the bourgeois class base, where now they seek to bank together against the ruling bourgeois strata to keep from being cast back down into the working class because they can’t compete with the ruling bourgeois’ industrial scale mode of production and labor exploitation.
Socialism does not seek to “reform” capitalist property relations amongst the bourgeois elements; no, socialism seeks to abolish bourgeois property relations altogether. I went in depth on the question as did other comrades. Mind you, because we are in a sensory deprivation torture unit, these discussions cannot be held verbally, no. We must write them on paper, then shoot our lines and “fish” them to and fro amongst each other, sharing ideas, lending moral, emotional, psychological, material and spiritual support to one another via a piece of string and a weighted item tossed down the tier from one cell to another.

Because of blockers welded to the base of the doors and c/o’s who will snatch and break your line, this is of course difficult. But again none will deter us from exercising our fundamental human rights. We are here only because we believe the oppression of man by man should be opposed.

Because we are in a sensory deprivation torture unit, discussions cannot be held verbally. We must write them on paper, then shoot our lines and “fish” them to and fro amongst each other, sharing ideas, lending moral, emotional, psychological, material and spiritual support to one another via a piece of string and a weighted item tossed down the tier from one cell to another. Because of blockers welded to the base of the doors and c/o’s who will snatch and break your line, this is of course difficult. But again none will deter us from exercising our fundamental human rights. We are here only because we believe the oppression of man by man should be opposed.


By the time I finish, evening chow has come. I set my cake aside as a special treat for later and watch “Nightly Business Report” as I finish my meal, assessing and analyzing the daily permutations of global capitalism; then I watch BBC News and PBS Newshour. I then get back in “the office” and work on political pieces for various media interests, until I run out of gas around 8 p.m.

But I have one more thing to do. Today is special to me, and as I’ve done for the past 17 years of my imprisonment – this is now my 18th – I write a letter to my son giving him the benefit of my life’s experiences for the year, summing it up by recounting a story of children in India who are sent in bulk by labor firms to plantation factories as young as 9, 10 and 11 to pick cotton and work the gins in conditions as deplorable as those we experienced in the chattel slave epoch to develop textiles for a mega-rich British multinational. I explain to him that this was evil and how all that was necessary for such evil to continually prevail was for good people to do nothing.

I end my letter, slide it into the tray slot and sit down to enjoy a comedy program on TV while I eat the items I’ve saved from my earlier meals. Conscious of the pain in my side and health benefits of laughter, both chemically and psychologically, I release my emotional control and allow myself again to feel. I let go of the melancholy which is my constant companion and allow the mirth to strike me in the belly as the underclass antics of “Raising Hope” play across my TV.

Conscious of the pain in my side and health benefits of laughter, both chemically and psychologically, I release my emotional control and allow myself again to feel. I let go of the melancholy which is my constant companion and allow the mirth to strike me in the belly as the underclass antics of “Raising Hope” play across my TV.


I hear the section door pop, the bar box being opened and the gears being locked back in place as the other c/o passes out mail. It’s a special day, I’m expecting some mail and hoping to hear from my son. I receive a card wishing me holiday greetings from the beautiful brothers and sisters from a Pasadena community parish in solidarity with the prisoner hunger strike coalition. It fills me with gratitude and warmth. It’s 29 days old and postmarked, meaning IGI held this meager card for at least 26 days. I also get a ducat for blood draw in the morning.

I leave my door and laugh away the disappointment of not hearing from my family on this day, as I enjoy the 10 o’clock news. I see a wonderful story in honor of Muhammad Ali’s birthday, on how he defied the U.S. war machine by refusing to submit to coercion into their imperialist adventure in Vietnam. I suddenly feel even better, knowing I’m in such good company.

I look at my children’s photos and the images of Chairman Mao, Bob Marley, Jonathan Jackson and Buddha that are the only other images on my wall. I again close my eyes and ask the creator to watch over and bless my comrades, my children, my siblings, parents and all the people languishing under the yoke of this global Moloch of greed we call the capitalist “free market.” I close my eyes wondering why I heard from no one. I cut off my TV. I have an early start in the morning. I’m not as young as I used to be. Today was my birthday: Jan. 17, 2012.

Our existence here is one of struggle, of constant, ever present, inescapable daily struggle. I/we have attempted to convey this reality to you in many ways, but these are words, only valid if they serve to influence you positively in some way. What must be understood in the final analysis is we here are not “gang members” when speaking of adherents of NARN (New Afrikan Revolutionary Nation) Scientific Socialism; we are revolutionaries. We think, act and communicate differently than those who have not given their lives to the people.

I say this not to disparage anyone; it is simply a statement of fact. The Honorable Comrade George Lester Jackson stated, “Revolution is a war for the minds of the masses.” The state has buried us in these torture units specifically to ensure we cannot effectively communicate the reality of the collective subjugation of 99 percent of those in this society to the whims of an avaricious ruling elite. They seek to criminalize legitimate political discourse, to disparage the truth in favor of an ever-evolving lie. The truth of the matter is you and I both are nothing but commodities to these people, our values being exploited or intentionally suppressed as the interests of their profit margins dictate.

Saul D. Alinsky in his book “Rules for Radicals” said, “When you are trying to communicate and can’t find the point in the experience of the other party at which he can receive and understand, then you must create the experience for him.” I have tried to do that here without horrifying you. What must be understood is some of the greatest political, social, economic, cultural, scientific and military minds of our time are languishing in the short corridors and cell blocks of Pelican Bay and Corcoran SHUs. Many of you in progressive circles are familiar with my writing, but I am merely a product of the phenomenal principled men I mentioned at the beginning of this discussion and the unfinished legacy of democratic change and equalitarian struggle that is the hallmark of the evolution of civilization.

The state has buried us in these torture units specifically to ensure we cannot effectively communicate the reality of the collective subjugation of 99 percent of those in this society to the whims of an avaricious ruling elite. They seek to criminalize legitimate political discourse. Some of the greatest political, social, economic, cultural, scientific and military minds of our time are languishing in the short corridors and cell blocks of Pelican Bay and Corcoran SHUs.


Under these conditions – indeterminate SHU confinement – we have the full weight of the state arrayed against us. Our words in some instances are our only effective tools. If I/we write or say something I/we consider revolutionary, that I hope will alter the nature and structure of society and improve mankind, but in the final analysis fails to move anyone in a substantive way, it is not revolutionary or progressive. Communication that fails to effect its intent is so much idle chatter.

The concrete analysis of such concrete conditions would be nothing has been changed. The reason we commit so much time and effort into understanding the history and present interconnections of all human activity in our world is the ability to change people’s minds, to alter their perspectives so a previously hidden truth becomes self-evident. It’s a serious matter, as serious and strategic as war, because revolution is a war.

As you read this I’m waging that war now, against entrenched biases and artificial social stigmas manufactured by a specific socio-economic interest. This is why we are so hard on ourselves, why we intentionally expose ourselves to conditions that would crush most men’s minds and subsume their wills: Failure to communicate these ideas to you effectively is to fail you.

We are speaking of the future evolution of the world, of forging a society more reflective of human decency than human misery. We cannot fail. Our cause is just because our cause is you – serving the people.
It is my sincerest hope that you leave this brief discussion with not simply a greater grasp of this injustice, but more centrally with a determination to insist the state end this hidden hypocrisy. The U.S. – and the state of California – cannot continue criticizing Syria, China, Burma and Russia for their alleged repressive measures against dissent and maltreatment of political prisoners, yet continue to maintain its own domestic program of torture against political prisoners. It is inhumane, illegal, hypocritical and just plain wrong.

Our imprisonment has no bearing on the truth and validity of our ideas. If this is truly a nation which values democracy, equality, human rights and fundamental fairness as its social imperatives, surely its people cannot allow this practice of political repression to continue unchallenged. Surely you will challenge it.

Our imprisonment has no bearing on the truth and validity of our ideas. If this is truly a nation which values democracy, equality, human rights and fundamental fairness as its social imperatives, surely its people cannot allow this practice of political repression to continue unchallenged.


If nothing else, I hope sharing a day in my life will compel you to value your own a little more and cherish that of your fellow man or woman as you do your own. My/our love, loyalty and solidarity to you all … until we win or don’t lose.

Re-asserting the cultural revolution in the National Occupy Movement

From: SF Bay View: http://sfbayview.com/2012/re-asserting-the-cultural-revolution-in-the-national-occupy-movement/
April 26, 2012

Waging and winning the cultural revolution means throwing off oppression by convincing the people that the interests of the ruling 1% are opposite, not identical to those of the 99%

by Zaharibu Dorrough, J. Heshima Denham, Kambui Robinson and Jabari Scott of the NCTT Corcoran Security Housing Unit (SHU)


“Human progress is neither automatic nor inevitable. Every step toward the goal of justice requires sacrifice, suffering and struggle; the tireless exertions and passionate concern of dedicated individuals.” – Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

Michael Zaharibu Dorrough and his family are not the sort of patriarchal, authoritarian family that prepares children to confuse the interests of the ruling 1 percent with their own interests and to submit to oppression without protest.

Steadfast greetings, brothers and sisters. Our love and solidarity to you all. We felt it appropriate to open this statement with Dr. King’s call, which has been applicable to any given period where injustice is rife. We felt compelled to provide some necessary clarity and context to the struggle taking place.

The National Occupy Movement has been magnificent in how it has changed the framework in which the discourse on unequal distribution of wealth must be made. But in order for the movement to develop into the popular movement that it must become to effect permanent and meaningful change, the slogan, “We are the 99 percent,” must become a reality. It is imperative that both Occupy Wall Street (OWS) and Occupy the Hood (OTH) struggle together to form a popular movement.

It is crucial to any lasting progress that we reignite the cultural revolution that was started early in this nation’s history but never fulfilled: John Brown’s revolt, Thomas Dorr’s rebellion, the civil and human rights struggles of the 1950s-‘60s, the armed revolts throughout this nation’s history, including the rebellions in Watts, Oakland (Kambui and Jabari’s hometown), Harlem, Detroit, Cleveland (Zaharibu’s hometown), Chicago (Heshima’s hometown), and Kent State, to name a few.

These struggles laid the foundation for the cultural revolution that the U.S. was in the process of undergoing up until the later 1970s. No society can make the necessary transformation from a capitalist, patriarchal, authoritarian, racist, sexist, homophobic, unjust one to one in which democratic ideals can prevail and fulfilling one’s potential is actually possible and encouraged without undergoing a cultural revolutionary transformation.

We are not talking about what kind of government we want; that can and will occur in time, and you will know when that time comes just as you knew that the time had come to fight this battle. A cultural revolution occurs during the transitional stage in the struggle and consists of people from different cultural – i.e., racial, ethnic, religious – backgrounds and schools of thought varying politically, economically, socially, spiritually, intellectually, educationally and sexually all coming together to realize a vision for the kind of society they want to share and live in. It is quite possibly the crucial step in a society transforming itself. That’s exactly what was underway toward the mid- to late 1970s.

We believe that because of the overall political immaturity of all but a few of the liberation groups at that time, the movement was not able to develop into a cohesive popular movement. As a result, groups were crushed, individuals either went into exile, were assassinated or imprisoned, while a lot of others in the movement were co-opted by the system.

Billions of dollars were spent on social programs during the Johnson administration. Yet most, perhaps all, of these programs no longer exist. The cultural revolution of that time – traditionally called the “social revolution” – was re-characterized as the “sexual revolution” by the ruling class, reduced to a period of time in which citizens engaged in promiscuous sex – nothing more.

It was part of the ruling class’s effort to de-legitimize the efforts made by those brave citizens who dared to struggle! Simultaneously, they were re-enforcing the puritanical component of the authoritarian mass psychology. It was also the intention of the ruling class to re-write the historical record of the period, thus depriving future generations of a historical record to build on.

There is already an understanding of the underlying conditions that are responsible for so much misery, and those conditions have always existed, but what is not as clear is why have so many accepted these conditions for so long? We will try to address that here.

But what must be clear at the outset is change, developing a popular movement, must consist of OWS and OTH forging meaningful coalitions with one another. Coalitions that recognize that this struggle is not a “white” struggle; it is a people’s struggle.

The Occupy Movement is not a “white” struggle; it is a people’s struggle. The middle class must be prepared to take the necessary steps to reach these goals and that includes reaching out to the underclass.


It must be recognized that in order for OWS to mature into a popular movement, the participation of OTH is required. Those citizens within OTH, the leadership, must mobilize with OWS. This is a protracted struggle. The middle class must be prepared to take the necessary steps to reach these goals and that includes reaching out to the underclass and OTH. OTH must see that it is in their interests to reach back and unite in this struggle.

What is a cultural revolution?

But what is it that we are struggling against? Exactly what is a cultural revolution? Why is it necessary, and what does it entail? How can it be waged successfully?

The answer lies in the nature of the struggle of the National Occupy Movement itself, the struggle between the interests of the ruling 1 percent and those of the 99 percent. It is a struggle between ideas that have been imposed on the people as a direct result of the changes in economic modes of production and the people’s unconscious acceptance, support and identification with those ideas and new ideas that reflect these warped artificial psychological structures in favor of those that free them from an exploitive political and economic relationship that serves a wealth elite.

It must be understood that our movement will NOT succeed in effecting a fundamental change in the mass psychological structure which supports this exploitive relationship. This is the core purpose of a cultural revolution, to eradicate unprogressive values, tendencies, sentiments and modes of thought. But before we can expound upon the characteristics of the cultural revolution, we first need to clearly analyze the core impediment to the successful conclusion of attempted cultural revolutions in the past.

The chief obstacle to the realization of progressive social change here has always been the patriarchal authoritarian psychological structure of reactionary men and women in the U.S. These concepts may be complex for those new to them, so we’ll attempt to be as clear and brief as possible.

For most of U.S. capitalist society’s existence, it has brutally exploited the labor, ideas and political will of the vast majority of its population to maintain and expand the wealth, power and privilege of a greedy elite ruling class the movement has identified as the 1 percent. It has been this way for hundreds of years and each time progressive social forces have attempted to cast off this yoke of oppression or move the nation closer to the idealistic sentiments expressed in the Declaration of Independence, those forces have been repressed, not simply by the ruling 1 percent and its tools, but by vast segments of the oppressed masses themselves.

What causes this illogical contradiction? What prevents the socio-economic situation they’re suffering through from reflecting the psychic structure of the masses? Again and again, throughout the history of progressive social movements, we see the economic and ideological situations of the masses in the U.S. not coinciding and in fact being at considerable variance. The socio-economic reality of the people is not directly and immediately translated into political consciousness; if it were, the social revolution would have been realized years ago. The answer lies in the unique historical processes that forged the character structure of the average Amerikan worker.

That process began with the introduction of patriarchy as the dominant force in social ideology in Europe and its impetus toward authoritarian control of every aspect of social life of the remaining members of the family unit, especially as it relates to the negation of natural social and biological processes. In the figure of the “father” the authoritarian ruling class has its representative in every family, so the family unit becomes its most vital instruments of power.

This patriarchal authoritarian process’ chief component is puritanical repression, and this is also the manner in which the ruling 1 percent chains the ideological structure of the lower middle and middle classes to its own interests. Unlike patriarchal authoritarianism, puritanical repression as a tool of mass social control is fairly recent – in the last 300 years.

If we analyze the history of puritanicalism and the etiology of the repression of natural human biological expression, you’ll find its origins aren’t at the beginning of cultural development. No, it was not until the organized establishment of patriarchal authoritarianism and the class system that puritanicalism starts to assert itself and begin to serve the interests of the ruling 1 percent in amassing material profit.

There is a logical reason for all of this when seen from the perspective of the thriving exploitation of human labor and the apparent enthusiasm of the people to accept that exploitation. You see, the ruling 1 percent very rarely need to resort to brute force to maintain control of society, as the owners of the means of production prefer to employ their ideological power over the oppressed as their primary weapon, for it is the ideology of puritanical patriarchal authoritarianism that is the mainstay of the ruling elite.

The ruling 1 percent very rarely need to resort to brute force to maintain control of society, as the owners of the means of production prefer to employ their ideological power over the oppressed as their primary weapon.


It is within the authoritarian family that the merging of the economic arrangement and the puritanical structure of society takes place; religious and other puritanical interests continue this function later. Thus, the authoritarian state has an enormous stake in the authoritarian family; it becomes the factory in which the state’s structure and ideology is molded.

Man’s authoritarian psychology is thus produced by embedding these puritanical inhibitions, guilt feelings and fear of freedom to experience natural forms of human expression. The suppression of one’s economic needs compasses a different psychological reaction than one’s natural human drives.

The suppression of one’s economic needs usually incites resistance, while the repression of natural biological needs removes those desires from the consciousness, embeds them in the subconscious and erects a “moral defense” against them, and in so doing prevents rebellion against both forms of suppression. The result is the inhibition of rebellion itself.

How the 1 percent suppresses the cultural revolution

In the average Amerikan, there is no trace of revolutionary thinking. It is this process that has strengthened political reaction in the U.S. and made far too many victims of economic inequality here passive, indifferent and apolitical. It has succeeded in creating a secondary force in man’s mind, an artificial interest that supports the authoritarian order of the ruling 1 percent.

In the average Amerikan, there is no trace of revolutionary thinking.


Yes, most are truly “trapped in the matrix.” This is observable at every level of this capitalist society. It is the conservative who first suggests reactionary repressive measures or curtailing civil liberties in the face of civil disobedience or broad political dissent. The Occupy Movement continues to experience this firsthand at the hands of national police forces.
The Prisoner Hunger Strike Solidarity Coalition here in the Corcoran State Prison SHU and in Pelican Bay continues to experience waves of retaliation from state prison industrialists. This “fear of freedom” is inherent to the authoritarian character structure of conservative man.

The conflict that originally takes place between natural desires and authoritarian suppression of these desires later becomes the conflict between instinct and morality within the person. This, of course, produces a contradiction within the person. Since man is not only the object of the historical processes that created the economic and ideological influences of his social life, but also reproduces them in his activities, his thinking and acting must be just as contradictory as the society from which they arose.

The U.S., for instance, is a society founded on the premises of “equality, freedom and the unalienable rights of man,” yet its formation, history and modern structure contradict this. When we speak of the realization of U.S. “manifest destiny” or the development and maintenance of its global hegemony, we are speaking of the systematic genocide of Native Americans, the organized theft of Native land, the slavery and brutalization of Africans and New Afrikans, the maintenance of institutional racism and sexism, imperialist war mongering, state-sponsored kidnapping, torture and targeted assassinations, suppression of sexual democracy, state imposition of religious moral imperatives that deprive others of their equal rights, the naked exploitation of human labor and suppression of organized labor, and the mass incarceration of the poor and people of color – all while espousing the ideas of “opportunity, fairness and equal protection under the law.”

This is the historical legacy of contradiction in the development and maintenance of U.S. society. These same contradictions are reproduced in the psychic-structures of its people.

Should the middle strata of White Amerika lose these warped concepts of “morality” to the same degree it continues to lose its intermediate position between the average worker and the upper class, this would seriously threaten the interests of the ruling 1 percent. You see, lurking also among this strata of the people, ever ready to break free of its reactionary tendencies, is the inherent revolutionary imperative of their socio-economic situation.

This is why since the start of the 2008 recession the FCC and virtually every segment of public and private enterprise has increased its push for “morality” and “strengthening traditional marriage,” because the authoritarian ideology and family unit forms the link from the wretched social reality of the lower middle class to reactionary ideology and social conservatism: The ideology of the 1 percent.

Where this ideology is uprooted from the compulsive family unit, the authoritarian system is threatened. They sense it on the horizon, and historically this is when the greatest ideological resistance asserts itself.

The socio-economic exploitation of the 99 percent, in its myriad manifestations, would not be possible without the psychological structure of the masses that accepts that status quo.


It is when the economically disenfranchised and dissatisfied classes begin to organize themselves, begin to fight for socio-political improvements and begin raising the cultural level of the broader masses that these authoritarian “moralistic” inhibitions set in. The bottom line here is every social order produces in the masses of its members that structure which it needs to achieve its main aims.

The U.S. is no different. The socio-economic exploitation of the 99 percent, in its myriad manifestations, would not be possible without the psychological structure of the masses that accepts that status quo. There is a direct correlation between the economic structure of capitalist society and the mass psychological structures of its members, not only in the sense that “the ruling ideology is the ideology of the ruling class,” but more essential to the question of a resurgence of the cultural revolution in the U.S. is that the contradictions of the economic structure of society are also embodied in the psychological structure of the subjugated masses.

The role of the cultural revolution

Which brings us to the cultural revolution itself. The role of the cultural revolution is to uproot these old unprogressive ideas and values which have served to keep us shackled to the legacy of oppressive relationships that define the majority of U.S. history and usher in new values which reflect the universal mores of freedom, justice, equality and human rights.

A cultural revolution is a reconstruction of a people’s way of life in order to move them to a given objective; it forms a new historical continuity in which re-evaluation of self, the people and the society compels us to cast aside historical revisionism. It will place the political power back in the hands of the people, rescue democracy from the stranglehold of corrupt political influences and corporate super-PACs.

The role of the cultural revolution is to uproot these old unprogressive ideas and values which have served to keep us shackled to the legacy of oppressive relationships that define the majority of U.S. history and usher in new values which reflect the universal mores of freedom, justice, equality and human rights.


A true cultural revolution entails more than simply chanting slogans, protest actions, hunger strikes or occupations. It’s more than changing our looks or altering our polling strategy to more closely reflect support for those issues dear to the movement. No, it entails changing our core psychology, how you think, changing your conduct and activities, your interactions and methods in order to transform society as a whole.

Cultural values are produced by economic and political systems. As we struggle against the institutional inequalities inherent in the U.S. capitalist arrangement, we will lose the cultural values of that system and will forge more humane values as the basis of new political and economic relationships.

Such a revolution must encompass the common man and woman, illuminating for them the inherent interests in this national transformation of values and how it will positively impact their lives and the lives of their friends and loved ones. This is the reason the National Occupy Movement must organize and grow together.

Cultural values are produced by economic and political systems. As we struggle against the institutional inequalities inherent in the U.S. capitalist arrangement, we will lose the cultural values of that system and will forge more humane values as the basis of new political and economic relationships.


This calls for unity, the conscious development of united fronts and strategic alliances that grow deeper and richer as they experience trials and adversity, pass through ease and danger. Essentially this process IS the cultural revolution.

What must be understood is these different groups represent different class interests, political interests and economic interests and have different ideologies. It is the reality of this dynamic that has been the basis for the divide and rule politic that has governed life in this society and most others since the rise of monopoly capitalism. It is the basis of the primary contradiction now.

We have demonstrated how for the vast majority of this nation’s history, the ruling 1 percent has been successful in convincing desperate segments of society to identify their interests with the ruling 1 percent’s. Playing on “this” economic class interest of the middle strata or “that” religious moral lean of the lower middle strata, all along ensuring that whatever the ultimate outcome, their interests, the interests of the 1 percent elite, will be preserved as the ruling interests.

For the vast majority of this nation’s history, the ruling 1 percent has been successful in convincing desperate segments of society to identify their interests with the ruling 1 percent’s.


They’ve been consistently able to do so despite centuries of material evidence of their duplicity because they’ve been capable of maintaining control of not simply the context of these national discussions, but of the apparatus in which they’ve been held – corporate mass media – and the very cultural values upon which those discussions are based.

There is a relevant maxim which states, “The ruling ideas are the ideas of the ruling class.” The current struggle we are waging now in the National Occupy Movement, prisoner hunger strike solidarity movement, anti-imperialist movement etc. is a manifestation of the people’s consciousness that their interests and the interests of the ruling elite are not the same interests and in fact are and have always been diametrically opposed.

Winning the cultural revolution

It is for this reason that corporate entities, government officials, their police forces and corporate-owned mass media have made a collective and coordinated effort to downplay, discredit, underreport, dismiss, brutally attack, pass laws against and ultimately crush the movement before it can lead to a true cultural revolution which could force upon them a progressive transformation in the nature and structure of U.S. society.
This has been the historical trend in the U.S.:

• The gains of “Reconstruction” for New Afrikans were erased by the “1877 Compromise” that paved the way for Jim Crow and Lynch Law;
• The 1839 Anti-Renters Movement was crushed by brutality under the guise of law by 1845;
• Thomas Dorr’s rebellion for election reform in 1841 was crushed by 1842 and buried with the Supreme Court decision in Luther v. Borden in 1849;
• The Labor Movement of the International Working People’s Association of Albert Parsons and August Spies was crushed at the Haymarket Massacre on May 4, 1885;
• The aborted cultural revolution led by the Socialist Party and IWW in the 1900s was crushed by reform and brute force like the 1913 Ludlow Massacre in Colorado;
• The potential cultural revolution of the Civil Rights Movement was aborted by co-option, reform and assassinations;
• The cultural revolution of the late ‘60s to late ‘70s, which encompassed the Black Liberation Movement, Women’s Rights Movement, New Left Movement, Prison Movement, American Indian Movement and Anti-War Movement was systemically crushed by the FBI’s counter-intelligence program, superficial reforms and brutal, bloody force.

Cultural revolutions of these types in the U.S. historically all have a central purpose: to destroy the oppressors’ conditioned mores, attitudes, ways, customs, philosophies and habits that the dominant power base has instilled in us which allow these exploitive and repressive relationships to exist.

A cultural revolution is a revolution of one’s values, and the ruling 1 percent recognizes your values dictate your actions. They also realize where such a transformation in your worldview would lead; it was even noted in the Declaration of Independence: “(A)ll experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government and to provide new guards for their future security.”

A cultural revolution is a revolution of one’s values, and the ruling 1 percent recognizes your values dictate your actions. As long as the ruling 1 percent can keep you convinced that its values and interests are your own, you will continue to suffer oppression without protest.


As long as they can keep you convinced that the interests of the ruling 1 percent are your own, you will continue to be content to suffer the “evils” that you have without protestation. Thus, at all costs they must ensure you don’t realize that the values that have been instilled in you for generations – those of greed, racism, xenophobia, sexism, homophobia, elitism, naked self-interest, religious intolerance, classism and thinly-veiled hypocrisy – were instilled to ensure you never realize you’ve long since been “reduced under absolute despotism,” and the political and economic choices available to you, no matter what your decisions, favor their interests first, and whatever interests support theirs most effectively secondly.

The entire purpose of socio-economic stratification and institutional racism is to ensure the ruling 1 percent can maintain control with “a minimum of force, a maximum of law, all made palatable by the fanfare of unity and patriotism,” as Howard Zinn wrote in “A People’s History of the United States.”

Brothers and sisters, this will not be easy because the most vital battles will have to be waged within you. But the reassertion of the cultural revolution is necessary if the movement is to realize actual success and not become just another footnote in the crushed movements of American history.

We will stand with you, wage struggle with you, but in the final analysis only you, the people, the 99 percent, can hoist this banner and carry the cultural revolution to its victorious conclusion – and on the other side a new and brighter world for us all. Until we win or don’t lose.

For more information on the NCTT (NARN (New African Revolutionary Nationalism) Collective Think Tank) Corcoran SHU and its work product, contact:

• Zaharibu Dorrough, D-83611, CSP-Cor-SHU, 4B1L #43, P.O. Box 3481, Corcoran, CA 93212
• J. Heshima Denham, J-38283, CSP-Cor-SHU, 4B1L #43, P.O. Box 3481, Corcoran, CA 93212
• Kambui Robinson, C-83820, CSP-Cor-SHU, 4B1L #49, P.O. Box 3481, Corcoran, CA 93212
• Jabari Scott, H-30536, CSP-Cor-SHU, 4B1L #63, P.O. Box 3481, Corcoran, CA 93212

On the Continued Relevance of Scientific Socialism in our daily lives

On the Continued Relevance of Scientific Socialism in our daily lives

By: Heshima Jinsai
© Heshima 2005

As we witness the gap between rich and poor widen by its largest margin in modern human history, while simultaneously experiencing an unprecedented rise in the “ I/me” mentality of selfishness, greed and avarice which the system of capitalism promotes across the race-class strata, it becomes prudent for us to make a scientific analysis of the reliance of our socio-economic world view. Scientific socialism, primarily, is an economic system where the means of production are in the hands of the people; where distribution of wealth, opportunity and materiel needs is equalitarian in nature. Scientific socialism is a system of non-exploitation and puts an end to the wage slave system and the fleecing by capitalist of the surplus value of labor. Scientific socialism’s central tenet is “From each person according to their talents, to each person according to their needs.”

This principle of socialist dialectics envisions a symbiosis of objective socio-economic output and objective human need/consumption, and reveals the fallacy in logic of proponents of market capitalism. Unlike the bureaucratic totalitarian economics of planned economics in the former eastern European Soviet era, scientific socialism employs a more stringent and all-inclusive standard of materialist analysis on both the “talents” and “needs” sides by ensuring society-wide input via the democratic centralist construction of each city block, town, and rural community. Scientific socialism respects the humanity of the individual by ensuring the finest and most advanced education and training in any field the citizen may desire, while mandating general indoctrination in our core principles and ideology – not only developing them to their ultimate potential, but strengthening and fitting them in the area of our socio-economic infrastructure where their talent, education/training and personal desires all converge with the needs of the collective society as a whole (divisions of labor, specialization). This ensures the freedom to do what you like to do while maximizing productivity through the joy and enthusiasm of working in a field you enjoy with the prospect of greater influence in that field should your performance prove exemplary.

Simultaneously, need at every level of human activity (material, spiritual, psychological, medical, cultural, entertainment, scientific, technological, fellowship, etc., etc.) is met in accordance with current conditions, and surpluses are distributed equally. With the means of production and distribution in the hands of the masses, the surplus value of labor, normally extracted as profits by the capitalist class, remains intact end distributed equally across the population. This ensures a maximization in the standard of living for all and not simply a minimum needs standard for most and an opulence standard for some. This is possible only through the strict adherence to the dictatorship of the proletariat as envisioned by Marx, Lenin, Mao and Jackson.

But scientific socialism is much more than this. Scientific socialism is also a psychology and culture exemplified by our ‘principles of collective life.’ It’s a way of thinking and living that is both egalitarian and compassionate. Scientific socialists have largeness of mind. Are selfless and caring, and care more for the needs and welfare of others than for themselves.

In contrast, market capitalism has made a science of behavior modification in marketing its goods and services and promoting the fantasy that multiple, attainable paths to wealth, power and opulence exist for everyone if they are only willing to “work hard enough to attain ‘the American dream.’” This divorces the minds of the masses from the reality that capitalism presupposes the necessity of unemployed (surplus labor) and under employed (competitive class labor pool) to ensure the wage and class systems function. There is an underlying psychological phenomenon I’ve coined, “The Success Brainwashing Method” which I define as the systematic psychological conditioning of capitalist indoctrination that begins at infancy and is reinforced throughout life which enforces the premise that a man’s / woman’s worth as a human in this society is directly proportional to their ability to make money, attain upward class mobility, or achieve the trappings thereof (i.e. jewelry, fine cars, expensive clothing etc., etc.).

The motive force behind this phenomena focuses efforts on one’s individual gain and self-interest, if need be, at the expense of others – even celebrating one’ s ability to dispense with ethical standards which would impede the realization or maximization of material wealth (i.e. exploitation, betrayal, usury, manipulation, fraud, theft, misappropriation). This psychological construct encourages “getting over” on, or at the loss of, others and is all perfectly allowable; if skillfully done, it is even encouraged – no matter the adverse effects on one’s community(s), personal relationships, or even themselves. Capitalism as a productive system has as its primary motivation the development of super-profits and the growth of its markets and influence on the natural resources, political structures, and labor which sustains them. The capitalist extracts the surplus value of the worker’s labor as profits or super-profits and is obsessed with finding new ways of reducing costs and maximizing profits at the expense of labor and consumers.

The capitalist state is a tool to ensure the dominance of one class (the ruling or “capitalist” class) over the others and does so through the economic and social stratification of society via the two primary components of the capitalist state: 1) the economic class system and 2) the race/gender caste system. Racism, xenophobia and sexism are key components of the global white supremacist motive force of capitalist, market economics. Each individual class is competing with and in opposition to, the other classes – and within their own – while the reinforced race antagonisms, anti-immigrant sentiment, and sexist attitudes ensure the necessary divisions are in place, and periodically intensified, to prevent broad class cooperation or proletariat / lumpen-proletariat united mass organization. Capitalism must ensure the existence of surplus labor (the unemployed / lumpen-proletariat) while simultaneously promoting social attitudes against this segment of the population as undesirable and / or “criminal” to ensure the remaining socio-economic strata act as a check on its revolutionary potential.

Criminalization of the poor has been woven into the very fabric of the social consciousness, while police state repression supports this notion by creating a pool of souls for the prison industrial complex to both profit from the disposal of this surplus labor and act as a deterrent against effective organization (or even accurate identification of the people’s ills) at this level of society. It is though this highly refined system of racial automation which combines the psychological incentive of potential wealth with the deterrent of underlying force /violence, of divide and rule at every level of human activity, where in the ruling class’ monopoly on control is grounded. The difficulty in popularizing any alternative socio-economic system rests here. Here in the U.S., Yankee-style capitalism has systematically conditioned its population against broad based cooperation or cooperation which could threaten the continuation and expansion of exploitation of man by man.

To understand the clear polarization between these two systems of thought and production I have enclosed a thirteen (13) point comparison in simple terms of the two modes of thought (see attachment-[missing]).

Despite the inherently avaricious culture of capitalism and its facade of glitz and universal privilege, scientific socialism and principles of collective life can be popularized in the under end working classes of the capitalist economy by creating and successfully implementing programs that meet the needs of the people, providing an alternative to lift the yoke of poverty and perpetual toil from their backs without the need to abandon their humanity.*

Humans are social creatures, and capitalism promotes social ties based solely on the individual interests of those tied together. Should those individual interests change, those social ties are as transient as the sunset. Principles of collective life base success on the strengthening of social ties at every level of human activity and looking upon the success of your fellow man/woman as your own because, quite literally, they are. The resultant, collective consciousness, this united mind is far better equipped to manufacture cooperative economic programs and collective work ventures, and is more efficient as it is consistent with the social nature of the human condition. This is uniquely true for the New Afrikan. Communalism, socialism’s evolutionary origin, is indigenous to our economic culture; harkening back to the very beginnings of the historical miscarriage and throughout our subsequent struggles for survival on the shores of North America.

We are here today because those principles have served us well, allowed us to endure through the most heinous privation, evolved and refined, end now find their highest expression in our Party. But, let ‘ s be clear, modern U.S society has never been more polarized between rich and poor while, simultaneously, being as self-interest orientated, avaricious and disconnected from one another. The advent of Barak Obama has resulted in no change in the status-quo. And the nature and composition of monopoly capitalism will only be transformed as a result of a victorious revolutionary change. The popularization of principals of collective life are the first concrete steps on that path (transfer culture) providing the psychological foundation for educating, organizing and mobilizing the people for scientific, socialist revolution.

But anything new is fraught with uncertainties and peril. The potential for mistakes is great – especially considering the reactionary nature of domestic U.S imperialism and its history of violent repression-

So, in this discussion it may be prudent to revisit some of the past mistakes in the implementation of socialism as a socio-economic and political system. Though ideologies are indigenous, surely there are things we can learn. Let’s see what a cursory examination of history reveals to us:

In the chattel slave uprisings and subsequent Haitian revolution of the 1700′ s, following the final military defeat of the French, Dessalines and his successors were so traumatized by the chattel slave experience that they oversaw the systematic destruction of every aspect of the Haitian, national economic infrastructure which reminded them of the institution of slavery. This included the entire transport, mining, agriculture, and warehousing infrastructure which made Haiti the single most profitable colony in the history of the colonial era.

Instead of appropriating and maintaining this productive capacity for themselves, after decimating the infrastructure they restored communalist economics emptying subsistence farming. So fearful were they of the return of the French, and being isolated by the other (meaning all) economic powers in the western hemisphere -this fledgling socialist commune paid billions of dollars to the French right up until 1948 effectively bankrupting Haiti and taking it from one of the most productive economies in the western hemisphere to the poorest. Had Dessalines, and those that came after him, simply abolished the oppressive end exploitive relationships upon which their enslavement was based, maintained the economic infrastructure and productive capacity of the nation while instituting the same communal, (socialist in practice) mode of distribution of wealth, goods and services, the demand for Haitian sugar, rubber and coffee, globally, would have been tapped via South American and Caribbean proxies (Haiti sent military aid to Cimon Bolivar in Venezuela in the 1800’s – they had the means) effectively breaking the U.S embargo, maintaining its prosperity, despite the payoffs to the French, and today we’d see a much different Haitian history and nation – and as communal socialists may well have lived in a much different world.

As father of fascism, many on the left conveniently forget that prior to the ultra-right wing, jackboot politics of “The new Pax Romana,” Benito Mussolini was a leading official in the Italian Socialist Party, an avowed Marxist (at least in self-description). So how then did he go from a proponent of the 1917 October Revolution in Russia to the ultra-reactionary book burning, race mysticism of fascist nationalism?

The answer is two-fold and was repeated only a short time later in Germany with the Brown Shirts and Hitler’s “National Socialist” NSDAP Party (the Nazis).

  • During the height of the Great Depression Italian socialists clung to mechanistic, Marxist economic dogma which failed to feed, house, clothe and warm the deprived Italian masses, while the sure economic benefits of seizing wealth and resources by force of arms from the “lesser nations and subject races to the greater glory of the “Pax Romana” and “The New Empire” were readily understandable and visually in reach. Mussolini argued their ability to conquer others and the inability of others to stop them was all the justification needed to legitimize the fascist enterprise – the Italian people agreed and supported him as did the German people with Hitler a short time later.

  • Which brings me to point 2) Mussolini understood what the mechanistic Marxist could not: the nature and structure of patriarchal, authoritarian, European society lent itself to the social manipulation of mysticism and ultra-nationalist zealotry. He understood that psychological constructs were more capable of influencing masses of people than were data or external, material conditions – the perceptions of which could be manipulated. Amazingly, the socialist of this time discounted the existence of “psychology” as an influence on social conditions, or even a verifiable factor, period – reducing man to mechanical processes alone. Hitler continuously stressed that one could not influence the masses with arguments, proofs and knowledge, but only with feelings and beliefs. These two points are exceedingly complex end interconnected, involving everything from the misapplication of dialectical materialism to patriarchal, authoritarian, sexual conservatism as a basis for ultra-right wing reaction.

But, for the sake of expediency, I ‘ll highlight a few key points and move on. The application of mechanistic Marxism as a tool for economic and social empowerment in Italy and Germany has fertile ground in the industrial workers sector, but its narrow interpretation applied solely to the sphere of subjective economic processes and government policies. It was thus, doomed from the outset. When it tried, and failed, to implement industrial and agricultural soviets to feed the starving masses of workers (due primarily to the opposition of industrial capitalist and their program of bloody sabotage and brutal intimidation), they also failed to note or comprehend the development of subjective contradictions within the minds of these same workers .

The socialists failed to make use of their own method of dialectical materialism to comprehend this new historical reality of fascism, which neither Marx or Engels had encountered, and Lenin recognized too late. It was not that the socialists of that time did not understand the progressive farces of society where its productive farces or the contradictions of as they related to real life. They wrote the book on it. Their failure was to understand the forces that retarded social progress (such as fascism) and degenerated into hollow formulas as opposed to assessing the concrete socio-economic and mass psychological factors of the social changes that extreme economic deprivation was creating. Instead of the economic crisis leaving the mass clearly to the left, it made them feint left then ride hard for the right. The result was a split between the economic basis developing to the left, and the ideology of broad levers of society developing to the right. The role of ideology and emotional attitudes, unanalyzed and uncontested by an oblivious left, had contradictory and devastating repercussions on the economic basis for change. The left did not understand that the basic structure of reactionary man’s mind, especially in patriarchal authoritarian Europe, was capable of subordinating its objective economic interests to its subjective emotional attitudes where no opposition to this tendency was present. The failure to address those material needs through socialism further underscored the potential inherent in this new uItra-nationalistic doctrine – fascism.

What Italy teaches us is two prime points and one cognizant lesson:

  • we cannot afford to field ineffective economic policies which fail to meet the people’s needs, they will reject us, and thus, their own interests.

  • It must be understood “… revolution is a war for the minds of the masses.”

The psychological structures of the masses, and our influence on those structures towards scientific, socialist economics and principles of collective life, are central to our entire struggle.

If you all recall, in a single generation, the New Afrikan colony went from the Black Liberation Movement to reverting back to right-wing lumpen-proletariat expressions (circa 1985 to present) as a direct outgrowth of multiple, adverse psychological factors (the loss of many New Afrikan teachers to integration and busing policies, the introduction of crack and popularization of narco-trafficking and social empowerment through gang warfare, a move to the right and rejection of radicalism amongst Reagan-era New Afrikan intellectuals and co-option of radical voices or marginalization of the same, a resurgence of Baptist Evangelical Christianity in the mid-west and south, etc.).

George’s statement that, “The principle reservoir of revolutionary potential in Amerika lies in wait inside the Black colony, its sheer numerical strength, its desperate historical relationship to the violence of the productive system and the fact of its present status in the creation of wealth, forces the Black stratum at the base of the whole class structure into the forefront of any revolutionary scheme”, is still true. Yet, the practical application of socialism – or true social change – is a remote one in the New Afrika colony.

The U.S. S. R’ s implementation of a bourgeois, bureaucratic state oligarchy under Stalin, in essence removing power from the Soviets and concentrating it in the Kremlin, abandoning the 3rd. revolutionary international, and purging its most advanced elements, (Lenin and Trotsky) sounded the death knell for soviet socialism. Which warns us of the danger of totalitarian sentiments and personality cultism in the political application of socialism. A trend that was repeated with Kruchev, Breznev and Gorbatchov – ultimately dismantling the mighty U.S.S.R under Yeltsin.

But for a more contemporary view of Stalinist, Bureaucratic deformation of a socialist economy – we need look no further than China. In China we find a deformed worker’s state strangled by the global capitalist construct into accepting market reformation, in which a privileged, parasitic bureaucracy sits atop collectivized property relationships developed by the glorious 1949 revolution! Guided by a desire to protect its privileges, the bureaucracy defends state property only to the extent it fears the working masses.

As scientific socialists, we see collective economics based on democratic centralist planning as essential for truly developing the productive forces of society. We seek to liberate the creative and imaginative powers of humanity, which have been shackled by capitalism and class divisions. This brings us to the second flaw inherent in the Chinese approach to socialism which doomed it from the outset: single state socialism.

Capitalism is a global monopoly construct that, though competing with one another, unifies as a reactionary survival mechanism against anything resembling revolutionary, scientific socialism. The concept of “single state socialism”, or juche as it’s known in North Korea (the legacy of Il Jung Kim), in essence, dooms a socialist economy to the whims of monopoly capitalist pressures (through trade embargoes and other restrictions on natural resources or technology necessary to run a modern industrialized nation that cannot be domestically found, refined or produced by the socialist state in sufficient volume to meet its needs or on par with the capitalist), eventually resulting in capitulation to “market reforms” or becoming a vassal nation of another power (i.e., North Korea is a vassal state of China).

The very conception of a truly socialist future presupposes a global economic order based on the seizure of the productive resources of the advanced capitalist states through international revolutionary war. There is an inherent tendency (where personality cult does not overshadow as in North Korea) for Stalinist bureaucracy to abandon true socialism in favor of “market reforms ” with output and prices determined through micronized competition between enterprises; wages geared to enterprise profitability, price subsidies are eliminated resulting in higher inflation, the role of petty capitalist entrepreneurs is expanded, increased commercial and financial ties to western and Japanese capitalism, including joint ventures are encouraged. This all strengthens the internal forces of capitalist counter-revolution. Mao made his mistake in economic policy development by basing it on bureaucratic commands and arbitrariness instead of socialist democracy (workers communes). Trotsky, in his piece, “The Revolution Betrayed”, said of the U.S.S.R under Stalin that “Soviet products are as though branded with the gray label of indifference, under a nationalized (socialist) economy , quality demands a democracy of producers and consumers, freedom of criticism and initiative – conditions incompatible with a totalitarian regime of fear, lies end flattery (which the U.S.S.R had become under Stalin).” When we speak of political and economic revolution to establish a collective democracy it must strengthen, not weaken, the scientific socialist commune.

This dogma of “socialism in one country” is anti-socialistic. The problem of privation in the rural areas of China, across North Korea, the entire world for that matter, can only be resolved through successful international socialist revolution. To underscore this point, the entire concept of “socialism in one country” is the bureaucracies’ fruitless pursuit for “peaceful coexistence” with imperialism, a position that has undermined the defense of socialists end socialist states, not least through the betrayal of socialist revolutions internationally. Any serious talk of successful, international, socialist revolution will be decided here in the belly of the imperialist U.S beast. The lessons here are clear, ideological consistency and advance of democratic totalitarianism is central to our socialist ambitions – and we have not won until we win the World (our positive objective).

The core psychologies of socialism and capitalism are diametrically opposed to one another, their care values and motive forces in perpetual conflict. Scientific socialism is guided by principles of collective life which holds genuine concern for one’s fellow man/woman as a preeminent consideration, and puts the interests of the collective before one’s own. In contrast, capitalist psychology promotes such concepts as Gordon Gekko’s iconic “greed is good” diatribe from the movie “Wall Street” and places self -interest as the central psychological concern. Key to reinforcing this psychological state is the basis of competition as the catalyst for innovation and productivity, as a form or socio-economic “natural selection,” appealing to the basest and most predatory instincts of the human social creature. Key to the maximization of competition among workers and enterprises is the “incentive interest.” One of the prevailing arguments made by supporters of market capitalism is that the per capita productivity of wage-based labor (capitalist) is superior to that in socialist economies because superior performance is rewarded with additional material wealth which, in turn, translates into a higher standard of living amongst the populations of capitalist states. This material interest itself translates into a higher interest for capita list states workers to work harder, be more productive, and compete more intensely with other workers for the notice of management or owners which will translate into promotion(s) or increased wages – the material incentive. It is the position of market, capitalist economies that the productive power of capitalism, both individually and nationally (i.e., gross domestic product) will always outstrip that in socialist economies because the incentive interest is present in capitalist economies and absent in socialist economies. Scientific socialist, unlike vulgar Marxist, mechanistic socialist, or dogmatic “MLM” (Marxism, Leninism, Maoism) ideologies, employs dialectical materialism – not communist cannon – as the primary tool of analysis, dispassionately and objectively and there is no dispute that the additional stock option, performance-based Christmas bonus, or company car are all effective incentives to increase productivity.

The simple fact that selling one’s labor to those who own the means of production is the sole “legal” way for workers to generate money to survive in a capitalist economy, and the incentive interest is a clear path to more of that precious cash, clearly supports a motivation to increase labor productivity. If we analyze the few remaining, practicing socialist economies in relation to nations in the global capitalist construct with equitable populations and land mass – at first glance it’ s clear the capitalist states (i.e., Thailand (capitalist) vs. Vietnam (socialist) ) G.D.P far outstrips the socialist ones (i.e., the Bahamas vs. Cuba). But what is conveniently overlooked by capitalist economists is the incentive interest of capitalism notwithstanding, capitalism is a global construct of interconnected markets that support global growth while, simultaneously competing within this network of economies. The work force and industries of Thailand or the Bahamas do not have to contend with the economic sanctions, trade embargos/limitations, import tariffs and technological exclusion acts that the labor force of Vietnam or Cuba have to contend with which are designed to intentionally undermine the productive capacity and success of these socialist economies.

Such restrictions by global capitalist states are eased only to the degree that “market reforms” in these socialist states allow for the penetration of capital, exploitation of resources or labor, end access to consumers, all of which deforms the workers state end sets the stage for capitalist counterrevolution. Nevertheless, it would be unscientific to deny the productive and innovative impact of the material incentive interest in a capitalist economy. But, is this material incentive a necessary component of human productive capacity? Can man be motivated to higher performance by some incentive other than more cash? This is an important question if we’re seriously speaking of convincing the people to abandon market capitalism in favor of scientific socialism.

It is my contention that the objective economic conditions of a capitalist economy make the incentive interest a key subjective psychological factor for the acceptance of wage slavery and active participation in their own exploitation. Inversely, it is also my contention that the objective economic conditions of a scientific, socialist economy (where material needs are met by the commune) make the material incentive interest an unnecessary component, and the subjective psychological considerations of principles of collective life and the influence incentive of democratic, centralist organization sufficient motivation for equal, if not more, productive labor capacity.

Economist from Harvard University conducted an experiment with ninth grade students where they were offered a relatively significant cash reward, and the chance for more, if they maintained minimum, educational standards set by the researchers. The researchers were shocked to find a paltry 30% increase in educational performance set by the study – and one of the subjects highlighted in the study, an intentional underachiever – the popular guy and class clown – made a conscious decision that he could not trade his social life and peer standing for the effort necessary to get the cash. For this kid, and a significant number of others, the social empowerment of the peer group was a greater Incentive than the cash.

I raised this point in defense of socialism’s psychological incentive (principles of collective life) vs. the material incentive of capitalism with a friend in a conversation on the yard – his reply was: “The kid would have made a different choice if he had bills to pay.” I couldn’t argue with that point, yet it only served to underscore the compulsion of self-interest-orientated psychologies (the “I/Me” mentality) that are the hallmark of capitalism.

I also noted the flaw here in the assessment: in a socialist state, your “bills” are non-existent as your material needs are addressed by the commune. It is my contention that in a scientific, socialist economy, where survival is not contingent on the wage slave system of competitive labor, the desire to increase the prosperity of the collective and the incentive of having greater influence if you have greater insight, skill or ability in a specific field, is sufficient incentive to maximize human productive advancement and innovation. Thought (subjective) is the origin of actions which forge the material world (objective) – simultaneously, it is the objective, material conditions of life which influence what, and how we think. Living in a society where egalitarian mores are the norm, where human need is the primary motivation for material production and distribution, where being generous, sharing and selfless is virtuous not “naïve” or “perilous,” where the success of the collective is more vital than the desires of the individual, where everyone’s opinion has value and the most effective ideas are those that are adopted, will inevitably forge mindsets with motivations and incentive-triggers that are much different than those in a traditional, capitalist economy.

I, like all of us, was raised and developed in this malignant, bourgeoisie society – but, after making the transition and undergoing internal revolution many years ago – as a scientific socialist, I asked myself these same questions – and answered them frankly and honestly. Would I rather have my own freedom – or the freedom of our leading Party officials? Would I rather have $140.00 in supplies – or $20.00 worth for each of us here? Is the work I’m doing for myself – or for the Party, this body and the people (one in the same)? On and on I went -and in every instance I put the interests of the Party, people and our cause before myself and have done so for many, many years.

This, to me, signals (since I know so many others here of like mind) that our core psychology is not determined by mere objective, material conditions but also influenced by our concepts of truth and adhered to by our will and commitment to that truth. Principles of collective life are lived daily and influence every aspect of the socialists day-to-day activities.

So, how can we promote and popularize scientific socialism as a viable alternative in our own communities and daily lives? I believe it begins with the man himself, our daily practice and interactions with one another and the people. Practice selfless and equalitarian giving. Live generosity. If you are aware that someone needs something – and you can meet that need – do so without their even having to ask. In fact, actively inquire as to the needs and concerns of your Comrades and the people. Genuine concern should flow naturally and organically through your personal relationships. Facilitate cooperation among others and foster unity wherever you are. Actively think of new and imaginative ways you can strengthen and support the collective, and develop yourself and your abilities to their maximum potential so you will be more capable of making a meaningful contribution to the Collective, thereby, enriching us all. See the world and your place in it in terms of us and we – ensuring every decision is weighed with and against the interest of the Collective (the People and Party) first, and all else flowing therefrom. The popularization of scientific socialism, especially the revolutionary variety, in the context of a contra-positive authoritarian regime like capitalist Amerikkka is (and must be viewed as) an effort in social engineering which must involve both subjective and objective factors.

To that end we must, as an organization, develop, field and maintain community development initiatives and economic programs that effectively meet the people’s needs, popularizing the practice of communal economics strategically (we may well need to use different terms to identify these efforts in a population that’s been conditioned to fear and reject socialism/communism), while educating and organizing the traditionally most revolutionary segments of the population (i.e., the lumpen proletariat and proletariat).

For purposes of this discussion I’ll outline two (2) programs and one (1) organizing effort developed right here in this region, with elements in this body.

1) The Youth Community Action program (Y-CAP) – Y-CAP is both an educational / training program and a socialist, economic non-profit initiative (in disguise), which targets underclass youth and neighborhoods employing volunteers from the youth’s own community and family to work in concert with Y-CAP organizers in a two phase development initiative.

PHASE 1 – involves a five (5) times a week, 2 1/2 hour (after school) educational and training initiative that focuses on history (from the true perspective – think Zinn, Diop and Dela Valle), cultural awareness (to retard racial conflicts and strife between oppressed nationalities such as Mexicans and New Afrikans), computer and technological literacy, the arts and science / engineering.

Three out of five days a week the final hour will be devoted to martial arts, self-defense training, and strategic thought. Participants must comply with the participation requirements of phase one to be eligible for phase two inclusion.

PHASE 2 – involves establishing a collectively owned, community based business which each youth participant will own an equal stake in and be trained in the area of the venture which best suits them. All will receive equal pay / profit portion (collective work and responsibility, egalitarian distribution of wealth). The pilot venture will be a custom car garage (think “pimp my ride”) where we will seek in-kind donations of equipment and old cars (all tax deductible), cash donations, and fund raiser revenue to fund the rest. Volunteers from that industry will train each youth in exchange for marketing publicity for their own business. And we’ll seek industry related corporate sponsors (socio-economic guerrilla war – using the enemy’s own resources to strengthen you). The cars will be retrofitted, rebuilt and “pimped out” into custom low riders, ‘donks’ and Euro-tuners and put on the lot for sale and website auction. The proceeds from each sale or client fix-up will be split equally among the youth (50% of the profit). 20% will go to expand the non-profit initiative. 20% will go to a college fund for them all and 10% will flow back into expanding their venture. We, in this manner, provide them with an economic incentive to be indoctrinated into scientific socialist practices and revolutionary progressive politics; bring the community closer to one another and the Party (mass line organization), and introduce a new source of revenue into the underclass community where that chapter of Y-CAP is based.

2) Closed-Circuit Economic Commune – The C. C. E. Commune focuses its efforts in a single designated underclass community, educating the people on the concept of collective ownership of business ventures and equalitarian distribution of wealth and employment – going to churches, mosques, community centers, street corners, and door to door with a simple informative / survey pamphlet. The concept is based on the design of a closed circuit capacitor which increases and amplifies electrical wattage by recycling a current on itself through a catalyst element like ionized zinc phosphorous or cadmium.

A dollar circulates in the average Jewish community for forty seven (47) days; in the “white” community for thirty eight (38) days; in the South Korean community for twenty eight (28) days; in the Mexican community for fifteen (15) days. But in the New Afrikan community a dollar circulates for … 17 seconds. Yes seconds. Comrades, we own so few of the economic institutions in our communities that seventeen (17) seconds after we spend one of our dollars it’s enriching some other community. I point this out not to stoke race -caste antagonisms, but to illustrate how little economic organization exists in the New Afrikan colony.

The closed circuit economic model is one that intentionally re-circulates and grows wealth within the community it was generated in initially. For example – in the south east San Diego community of Skyline reside some 10-15 thousand residents. We will request $1.00-$2.00 every two weeks from each able resident that will go to a central fund for a six (6) month period. Analyzing the purchasing habits and preferences of the residents who will use the majority of the balance of that fund (est. $100K in six months) to purchase a business which offers that most purchased good/service – say a bakery – which will be collectively owned by everyone in the community on the C.C.E. registry. we will hire only people from that community who are unemployed. All the profits (minus overhead) will go back to the central fund with 70% being paid out monthly to all registers in the form of a dividend check – the other 30% gaining interest in the central fund. We will keep collecting the $1.00-$2.00 every two weeks, depositing it in the central fund – in another six months we purchase a “sympathetic/support business” – which is a venture that depends on our contributes to the initial venture – say a grocery store. The grocery store will purchase its baked goods inventory exclusively from the commune bakery. Again, the grocery store will hire only people from that community that do not have a job. Again we repeat the process. In the next six months a cannery and packaging factory – on and on. In each successive expansion of the C.C.E commune, the unemployment rate drops until eventually we reach 100% employment. The dividend checks will grow as the number and prosperity of businesses grow, and; inevitably, we will reach complete, community economic interconnection (multiple enterprises that all do business with or support one another and the community). The central fund will continue to grow until it is sufficiently capitalized to establish our own credit commune – where people from the community can get guaranteed micro-loans, home and auto financing and standard banking services – and the community itself – own and operates it all – while being its own customer at the same time. In this way, the community becomes entirely independent of the standard competitive, capitalist economy through cooperative economics and collective work, distribution, and ownership. Once a full circuit is closed – we move to the next community, developing interrelated ventures that compliment one another and each community successfully. We only touch the capitalist economy where our own innovation and enterprises fail to meet the capacity, or is simply unable to. By means of the C.C.E commune we can clearly demonstrate that cooperation serves the interests of the underclass where competition cannot – and will not. It is a brief ‘walk’ through transfer culture from here to scientific, socialist economics.

Finally, the proletariat / lumpen-proletariat alliance initiative is a simple organizing effort between politically conscious prisoners, industrial and service labor organizations, immigrant labor organizations and unemployed or under-employed workers with class consciousness to commit to supporting one another in their mutual, class interests. This includes, but is not limited to developing strategies to organize and coordinate the various sectors of the labor force to increase employment opportunities, working condition and profit margins and benefits. Prisoners will / can strike in solidarity with organized labor, and organized labor can strike and support legislation for prisoner’s rights and community reentry initiatives such as community-based parole boards. Advanced prisoners, such as this body, can serve as strategic think tanks, research committees, policy statement authors, and immigrant workers rights drafters – churning out articles, essays and pamphlets articulating the issues and agitating in the communities. One of the primary problems facing the popularization of socialism in this nation is the disorganization of these most revolutionary segments of the population. The success of union busters and co- option of organized labor by corporate and state special interests, and the success of divisive polities which has driven wedges between prisoners, organized labor and immigrant workers dating back to Thomas Dorrs and the Hay Market massacre. We have it in our power with pen, paper and envelopes to start reforging those bonds.

Revolutionary, scientific socialism is more relevant, more necessary, more urgent now than ever. As the Vanguard Party of the most revolutionary segment of the New Afrikan colony, and the North Amerikan population – it is our duty to seek its popularization and establish its roots wherever we can. We have a world to win – let our contributions and sacrifices reflect this intent. Think on these things, they are cause for great meditation.

* “Social alienation” is a central component of market ‘sales theory’ and brand promotion in capitalist systems.

Heshima Jinsai has published multiple articles in progressive publications such as the S.F. Bay View, Prison Focus, and Turning The Tide. One of many dynamic activists in the New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalist Collective Think Tank (N.C.T.T.), he co-founded the State Raised Foundation, co-authored the 10 Core Objectives for Progress and Social Transformation, as well as the 3 Pilot Programs. Imprisoned since 1993, he has been a tireless advocate for scientific socialism, community development, abolition of indefinite solitary confinement, anti-imperialism, prisoners’ human rights, and social equality. For more information, please go to ncttcorshu.org.